LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES 

AND 

CIVIL  LIFE 

OP 

GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL; 

PREPARED  FROM  HIS  MANUSCRIPTS, 

BY  HIS  DAUGHTER, 

MRS.    MARIA    CAMPBELL: 

TOGETHER   WITH   THE 

HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

AND 

SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT, 

BY  HIS   GRANDSON, 

JAMES  FREEMAN  CLARKE. 


NEW-YORK: 

D.   APPLETON    &    CO.,  200  BROADWAY. 

PHILADELPHIA  I 

GEO.  S.  APPLETON,  148  CHESNUT-STREET. 

M  DCCC  XLVIH. 

LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


. 

•v  - 

•  ^ 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1847, 

BY  E.  F.  CAMPBELL, 
in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  Southern  District  of  New- York. 


TO    THE    READER. 


IN  arranging  and  collating  this  manuscript,  my 
desire  is  not  to  take  more  credit  to  myself,  than  com 
mon  industry  can  claim  ;  neither  would  I  render  my 
father  responsible  for  my  failures,  when  I  have  been 
obliged  to  speak  in  other  language  than  his  own. 

General  Hull  left  behind  him  Memoirs  of  his  Rev 
olutionary  Services,  in  MS.,  which  he  had  written 
for  the  gratification  of  his  children  and  grandchildren. 
These  memoirs  are  the  basis  of  the  present  work. 
His  spirit  pervades  the  whole,  and  my  endeavour  has 
been,  that  it  should  not  be  obscured.  The  facts  are 
in  substance  precisely  as  he  has  related  them.  But 
as  his  MS.  was  not  prepared  for  the  press,  it  was 
necessary,  to  a  certain  extent,  that  the  arrangement 
of  the  work,  and  sometimes  the  style,  should  be 
changed.  When  General  Hull  is  spoken  of,  it  will 
be  noticed  throughout  the  book,  that  the  first  and 
third  persons  are  indiscriminately  used. 

In  the  chapter  concerning  Captain  Hale,  1  have 
more  fully  unfolded  sentiments  expressed  by  my  fa 
ther  in  his  last  interview  with  that  noble  young  man. 
In  the  work  generally,  I  have  introduced  remarks  not 
found  in  the  MS.,  but  which  were  familiar  to  my  re- 


IV  TO  THE  READER. 

collection  from  our  frequent  interchange  of  thought, 
as  he  always  conversed  with  his  children,  as  though 
they  were  his  equals.  He  rarely  spoke  of  himself,  of 
his  sufferings,  or  of  his  services  rendered  to  his  country. 
It  was  at  the  earnest  entreaties  of  his  children,  that 
he  took  up  the  pen.  The  feelings  of  the  soldier  gave 
alacrity  to  the  work,  and  it  was  completed.  He 
wrote  without  view  to  publication,  and  directed  his 
family  to  look  for  the  connecting  links  of  the  narra 
tive,  in  the  histories  of  the  Revolution. 

The  death  of  General  Hull  took  place  before  the 
"  Writings  of  Washington,"  by  JARED  SPARKS,  were 
published ;  but  the  faithfulness  of  his  memory  is  ex 
hibited  in  comparing  his  MS.  with  the  authentic 
documents  of  that  most  valuable  work. 

EDITOR. 

Augusta,  Georgia,  1845. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  from  3 are  A  Sparks,  Esq.,  to  the 
Rev.  James  F.  Clarke. 

SALEM,  July  31st,  1847. 

DEAR  Sm, — I  have  perused  the  manuscript 
which  you  sent  to  me,  relating  to  the  Revolutionary 
Services  and  Civil  Life  of  General  Hull*  The  whole 
appears  to  me  to  be  written  with  close  attention  to 
the  facts  of  history  ;  and  it  derives  great  value  from 
the  circumstance  of  its  containing  a  record  of  the 
observations  of  General  Hull  himself  on  numerous 
public  events  in  which  he  took  a  part,  or  with  which 
he  was  personally  acquainted.  Having  been  an  offi 
cer  in  the  army  during  the  whole  war  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  engaged  in  many  actions,  and  highly  estimated 
for  his  military  talents  and  character,  he  was  necessa 
rily  connected  with  stirring  incidents,  which  are  well 
described  in  this  work. 

I  have  also  read,  with  a  lively  interest,  the  chap 
ters  on  the  Campaign  of  1812.  The  narrative  is 
clear  and  full,  and  whatever  judgment  maybe  formed 
of  the  result,  the  particulars  here  set  forth,  give  evi 
dence  of  having  been  drawn  from  the  highest 
sources  ;  and  they  are  exhibited  in  such  a  manner,  as 
to  present  the  controverted  points  in  a  just  light. 


yi        LETTER  FROM  JARED  SPARKS,  ESQ. 

These  are  my  impressions,  upon  a  hasly  perusal  of 
the  manuscripts,  and  I  doubt  not  they  would  be  sus 
tained  by  a  more  careful  study. 
I  am,  dear  sir, 

Respectfully  and  truly  yours, 

JARED  SPARKS. 


PREFACE. 


IF  principle  be  of  any  value,  its  power  wil  be 
felt  and  exhibited  in  the  hour  of  adversity.  Weak  is 
the  man,  who,  after  having  laid  down  to  himself  a  rule 
of  virtuous  action,  is  diverted  from  it,  by  the  frustra 
tion  of  his  plans  and  the  disappointment  of  his  hopes. 
But  when  amidst  the  painful  vicissitudes  of  life,  he 
keeps  his  onward  course,  exhibiting  the  same  can 
dour,  dignity,  and  strength,  which  marked  him  in 
more  prosperous  days,  we  learn  the  useful  lesson,  that 
there  is  a  sustaining  power  in  our  nature  which,  co 
operating  with  that  from  above,  gives  peace  to  the 
soul  amidst  its  severest  trials. 

Many  an  individual  more  highly  distinguished 
than  General  Hull,  has  descended  to  the  grave  with 
out  a  record  of  his  public  services  or  private  worth. 
But  the  manoeuvering  of  the  Politician  will  some-4 
times  fix,  with  more  distinctness  and  permanency,  the 
laurel  on  the  brow  which  his  hand  was  raised  to  de 
stroy.  Had  it  not  been  for  a  persecution  as  severe 
as  it  was  unmerited,  the  zeal,  the  ability,  the  faithful 
ness  and  the  patriotism  of  General  Hull  in  his 
country's  service,  might  never  have  been  made  public, 
to  sustain  him  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people, 


viji  PREFACE. 

And  so  trusting,  so  satisfied  is  conscious  innocence, 
in  the  approbation  of  a  higher  Power ;  so  modest  in 
its  claims  to  notice,  that  perhaps  not  even  this  would 
have  been  done,  had  not  children,  in  the  warmth  and 
respect  of  filial  love,  urged  and  claimed  the  boon. 

Political  necessity  is  the  plea  ever  offered  for 
transferring  the  errors  of  an  administration  to  an  in 
dividual,  however  innocent :  and  the  sacred  rights  of 
character  are  thus  sacrificed  on  the  altar  of  popular 
feeling.  If  such  be  the  practice  of  an  enlightened, 
Christian  government,  who  can  expect,  in  the  hour 
of  adversity,  the  justice  to  which  services  and  virtues 
are  entitled  ?  Even  Washington,  with  all  the  high 
perfection  of  his  character,  did  not  escape,  when 
faction  and  interest  judged  his  conduct. 

The  heart  sickens,  while  contemplating  suffering, 
produced,  not  by  the  depravity  of  one  man,  who 
would  blush  to  do  the  deed  alone,  but  from  the  in 
sensibility  of  the  many,  when  acting  together.  The 
laws  of  morality  cease  then  to  operate  ;  and  hence, 
as  has  ever  been  the  case,  individuals  have  been  sac 
rificed,  to  shield  depraved  or  imbecile  governments. 

How  different  would  have  been  the  fate  of  Ad 
miral  Byng,  whose  sad  history  "  is  the  deepest  stain 
on  the  memory  of  Chatham,  and  the  deepest  dis 
grace  of  George  II.  and  his  Ministers,"  had  the 
administration,  generously  and  with  moral  courage, 
shielded  him  from  calumny  and  outrage,  under  the 
first  burst  of  a  nation's  disappointment ! 

When  General  Hull  left  Washington,  in  1812,  to 
take  the  command  of  the  Northwestern  Army,  he 


PREFACE.  jx 

was  assured  by  the  Government,  that  a  naval  force 
would  be  placed  on  Lake  Erie,  to  keep  open  his  com 
munication  with  his  country,  and  that  his  army  \vould 
be  reinforced,  before  war  was  declared.  Having  ar 
rived  at  Urbana,  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  where 
his  army  had  assembled,  he  cut  a  road  from 
that  place  through  the  wilderness,  for  nearly  two  hun 
dred  miles,  and  reached  the  river  Miami,  seventy-two 
miles  below  Detroit.  Here  he  availed  himself  of  the 
water  communication  to  send  on  the  sick,  with  his 
military  stores  and  baggage.  By  mistake,  a  trunk 
containing  the  papers  of  General  Hull  was  put  on 
board  the  same  vessel.  After  she  had  sailed,  Gene 
ral  Hull  received  a  letter,  announcing  that  on  the 
18th  of  June  war  had  been  declared.  Thus  fourteen 
days  had  passed  before  he  was  apprised  of  a  fact  so 
important  to  the  safety  of  his  army,  while  the  British 
at  Fort  Maiden  had  four  or  five  days  previously,  been 
possessed  of  the  information.  The  vessel  was  cap 
tured,  and  the  consequent  possession  of  this  portion  of 
the  papers  of  General  Hull  was  made  the  ground  on 
which  the  charge  of  treason  was  predicated. 

After  the  surrender  of  the  fortress  of  Detroit,, 
when  General  Hull  was  taken  a  prisoner  to  Montreal, 
he  judged  it  best  to  commit  his  remaining  papers, 
with  other  valuable  articles,  to  the  care  of  his  daugh 
ter,  Mrs.  Hickman,  who,  with  her  family,  was  short 
ly  to  take  her  departure  for  her  paternal  residence, 
in  Newton,  Massachusetts.  The  brig  Adams,  in 
which  they  sailed,  was  an  American  vessel,  but  had 
been  captured  by  the  British.  The  brig  arrived  in  the 


x  PREFACE. 

evening  near  Buffalo,  and  Mrs.  Hickman  was  put  on 
shore,  assured  by  the  captain  that  her  baggage  would 
be  sent  to  her  in  the  morning.  In  the  course  of  the 
night,  the  brig  was  attacked  by  our  sailors,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Elliott,  and  in  the  contest  was 
burnt.  By  this  event,  the  remaining  papers  of  Gene 
ral  Hull  were  destroyed. 

In  the  public  offices  at  Washington,  there  were 
duplicates  of  letters  and  other  papers,  sent  by  Gene 
ral  Hull  to  the  different  Departments,  w7hile  Governor 
of  the  Michigan  Territory.  To  possess  copies  of 
these  documents,  was  necessary  to  his  justification. 
Previously  to  his  trial,  he  made  application  for  them- 
They  pointed  to  the  necessity  of  a  naval  force  on 
Lake  Erie  ;  and  for  troops,  required  for  the  garrison 
of  Detroit,  Michilimackinac,  and  Chicago,  to  enable 
the  army  to  maintain  a  defensive  position,  or  success 
fully  to  carry  on  an  offensive  war  against  the  British 
and  Indians.  But  the  exertions  of  friends,  joined  to 
his  own  efforts  to  obtain  copies  of  these  papers,  were 
unavailing. 

When  the  trial  of  General  Hull  closed  in  1814, 
he  yet  hoped  to  give  to  his  fellow-citizens  a  detailed 
history  of  the  Northwestern  Campaign.  Anterior  to 
that  period,  he  had  published  nothing  in  his  defence, 
persevering  in  a  dignified  silence,  while  constantly 
assailed  in  the  public  prints,  with  contumely  and  the 
grossest  falsehoods.  So  exaggerated  was  the  abuse, 
that  to  every  reflecting  mind,  it  carried  with  it  the 
materials  for  its  own  refutation.  Again  and  again 
were  his  hopes  crushed  by  a  failure  in  procuring 


PREFACE.  x{ 

copies  of  these  important  documents.  Finally,  he 
yielded,  without  temper  and  without  recrimination,  to 
these  last  acts  of  injustice,  which  the  rulers  of  the 
nation,  at  this  critical  period  of  their  power,  consid 
ered  expedient,  if  not  necessary  to  their  safety. 

At  the  expiration  of  nearly  twelve  years,  the 
Honourable  John  C.  Calhoun  was  appointed  Secre 
tary  of  War.  General  Hull  made  one  more  effort, 
and  on  his  application  to  that  officer,  most  of  the  pa 
pers,  previously  applied  for,  were  immediately  for 
warded  to  him. 

As  soon  as  he  became  possessed  of  these  docu 
ments,  he  gave  to  the  public  a  Memoir  of  the  Cam 
paign  of  the  Northwestern  Army — and  in  the  confi 
dence  of  innocence  and  truth,  appealed  to  his  coun 
trymen  for  a  reversal  of  a  sentence  which  could  be 
viewed  as  no  less  cruel  than  unjust.* 

These  Memoirs  have  been  before  the  public  for 
more  than  eighteen  years,  and  those  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  who  have  read  them,  have  risen  from  their 
perusal  satisfied  that  the  cause  of  failure  in  the  un 
successful  invasion  of  Canada,  was  not  to  be  imputed 
to  the  commanding  officer,  but  to  an  administration 
that  had  rushed  into  war  without  foresight  or  prepar 
ation.  Almost  every  engagement  pledged  by  the 
Government  for  the  support  of  their  army  was  violated. 
General  Hull  was  sent  forth  with  a  band  of  brave, 
but  undisciplined  yeomanry,  most  of  whom  had  seen 

*  General  Hull  was  sentenced  to  dent,  under  the  recommendation  of 
be  shot,  under  the  charge  of  cow-  the  Court  Martial,  on  account  of  his 
ardice,  but  pardoned  by  the  Presi-  Revolutionary  services. 


XJI  PREFACE. 

no  service,  to  contend  with  the  numerous  and  well- 
trained  army  of  Britain,  aided  by  her  savage  allies? 
not  only  unsupported,  but  deserted  by  his  Govern 
ment. 

But  under  all  these  untoward  circumstances? 
General  Hull  could  have  sustained  his  post  at  Detroit? 
had  not  an  armistice,  now  a  portion  of  history,  been 
entered  into  with  the  enemy  by  General  Dearborn? 
to  the  exclusion  of  General  Hull's  army,  and  without 
his  knowledge.  It  was  this,  together  with  previous 
neglect  on  the  part  of  General  Dearborn  to  concen 
trate  troops  at  Niagara,  which  enabled  General  Brock? 
with  an  overwhelming  force,  suddenly  to  come  against 
and  overpower  him. 

General  Dearborn  was  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  American  forces.  He  was  stationed  on  the  Ni 
agara  river,  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  below  De 
troit.  His  orders  were  to  keep  the  enemy  in  cheeky 
or  to  act  offensively,  as  occasion  might  offer,  and  to 
co-operate  with  the  army  of  General  Hull. 

Instead  of  obeying  these  orders,  he  agreed  to  a 
suspension  of  hostilities  with  Sir  George  Prevost,  the 
Commanding  General  of  the  King's  forces,  and  stipu 
lates  that  it  is  to  the  exclusion  of  General  HulVs  army  ; 
the  very  point  to  be  gained  by  his  wily  adversary. 

The  period  of  five  days  allowed  ample  time  for 
the  British  to  ascend  the  Lake  and  capture  the 
American  forces  at  Detroit.  A  ruse  de  guerre,  cred 
itable  to  the  acuteness  of  the  enemy,  but  a  sad  re 
flection  on  the  military  genius  of  the  Commander-io- 
chief  of  the  American  army* 


PREFACE.  xiii 

General  Hull  received  no  official  information  of 
this  arrangement  between  the  two  hostile  armies, 
until  twelve  days  after  it  had  taken  place,  and  four 
days  after  his  army  had  surrendered  to  General 
Brock ;  from  whom  he  first  learned  the  astounding 
fact. 

Among  other  papers  for  which  application  was 
made  at  the  seat  of  Government,  General  Hull 
asked  for  a  copy  of  this  fatal  armistice ;  none  was 
ever  furnished,  but  the  fact  is  recorded,  and  its  disas 
trous  effects  on  the  issue  of  the  campaign  can  no 
longer  be  gainsay ed  by  the  most  prejudiced  mind. 

At  the  period  of  the  late  war,  Mr.  Jefferson  had 
retired  from  office,  but  his  pen  was  still  exerted  to 
support  the  measures  of  his  party,  and  the  Adminis 
tration  of  1812.  He  was  familiar  with  the  character 
of  General  Hull,  in  the  military,  civil,  and  social  re 
lations  of  life  ;  and  he  generously  testifies  to  his  merit 
in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Duane,  at  the  first  intelligence 
of  the  surrender  of  the  Northwestern  Army.  He 
writes : 

"  The  character  of  General  Hull,  as  an  officer  of 
skill  and  bravery,  was  established  on  the  trials  of  the 
last  war,  and  no  previous  act  of  his  life  had  led  to  doubt 
his  fidelity."*  Yet  it  is  not  long  before  we  perceive, 
in  another  letter,  that  political  necessity  obliges  this 
distinguished  individual  to  speak  a  different  language- 
In  a  letter  to  General  Dearborn,  the  negotiator  of 
the  armistice,  he  writes  : 

*  Jefferson's  Memoirs,  Vol.  IV.,  page  181. 


xjv  PREFACE. 

"  After  the  disasters  produced  by  the  treason,  or 
the  cowardice,  or  both,  of  Hull,  and  the  follies  of 
some  others,"*  &c.,  &c. 

But  his  first  communication,  uninfluenced  by  the 
bias  of  political  necessity,  and  while  yielding  to  the 
sober  dictates  of  truth,  with  a  full  recollection  of 
faithful  services,  was  but  a  just  tribute  to  a  man,  on 
whose  public  and  private  life,  a  steady  and  unclouded 
light  had  rested  for  forty  years,  eight  years  of  which 
period  he  had  served  to  gain  our  Independence. 

Finally,  at  the  age  of  sixty-one,  General  Hull 
was  summoned  before  a  court  martial  to  answer  to 
crimes,  of  which  the  thought  had  never  entered  his 
mind.  His  appointed  judges  were  men  high  in  mili 
tary  rank  and  titles,  but  many  of  whom  had  obtained 
that  elevation  and  distinction  without  having  ren 
dered  any  service  to  their  country. 

In  the  defence  before  the  court  martial,  while  an 
imadverting  upon  the  testimony  of  some  of  the  wit 
nesses  introduced  on  the  part  of  the  prosecution, 
General  Hull  says :  "  It  seems  extraordinary  that 
there  has  not  been  a  witness  examined  on  the  part  of 
the  prosecution,  who  has  not  been  promoted  since  he 
was  under  my  command.  A  great  majority  of  the 
young  gentlemen,  who  have  been  called  by  the 
Judge  Advocate,  have  appeared,  decorated  with  their 
epaulets  ;  these  have  been  bestowed,  and  sometimes 
with  the  augmentation  of  a  star,  upon  gentlemen 
who  began  their  military  career  with  my  unfortunate 
campaign.  By  what  services  many  of  these  gentle- 

*  Jefferson's  Memoirs,  VoL  IV.,  page  258* 


PREFACE.  xv 

men  have  merited  such  rapid  promotion,  I  have  not 
learned.  But  if  it  all  arises  out  of  their  achievements 
while  under  my  command,  I  must  say,  that  it  appears 
to  me,  my  expedition  was  more  prolific  of  promotion, 
than  any  other  unsuccessful  military  enterprise  I  ever 
heard  of."* 

Without  counsel  to  speak  in  his  defence,  he  stood 
before  the  court  unaided,  except  by  his  own  vigorous 
mind  and  a  clear  and  calm  conscience. 

In  the  following  narrative  of  the  Revolutionary 
services  of  General  Hull,  there  will  rarely  be  found 
allusion  to  that  act  of  his  life,  which  was  at  once  his 
glory  and  his  shame  ; — the  surrender  of  the  fortress 
of  Detroit  to  the  British  arms.  It  was  his  glory *,  be 
cause  he  had  "  dared  to  do  his  duty."f  It  was  his 
shame,  because  the  epithets  of  traitor  and  coward 
were  attached  to  a  name,  that  had  remained  untar 
nished  for  more  than  half  a  century.  It  had  stood 
the  test  of  temptation,  in  the  dangerous  hours  of 
prosperity — in  the  possession  of  wealth,  and  in  the 
acquisition  of  much  honourable  distinction,  in  public 
and  private  life.  Prosperity  did  not  elate,  nor  did 
adversity  depress  ;  the  same  virtues  shone,  equally 
bright,  in  both  estates. 

The  thirteen  years  that  succeeded  his  changed 
fortunes,  were  spent  in  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  ag 
riculture  ;  in  the  calm  of  a  quiet  conscience,  in  the 
possession  of  the  affection  and  respect  of  virtuous 
friends ;  blessed  by  the  happiest  relations  of  the  do- 

*  General  Hull's  Trial,  page  64.      his  wife,  respecting  the  surrender 
f  Extract  from  the  first  letter  to    while  a  prisoner  at  Montreal. 


xvj  PREFACE. 

mestic  fireside,  and  surrounded  by  a  numerous  pro 
geny  of  affectionate  children  and  grandchildren, 
each  striving  to  cheer  his  declining  years,  and  all 
cherishing,  with  filial  reverence,  the  virtues  of  their 
patriot  sire. 

To  the  latest  moment  of  his  life,  when  aware  he 
was  on  the  verge  of  eternity,  in  the  full  possession 
of  his  mental  powers,  General  Hull  still  breathed  his 
thanks  to  his  Heavenly  Father,  that  he  had  been  the 
instrument  of  saving  from  the  cruelties  of  a  savage 
foe,  a  people  who  expected  and  demanded  protection 
at  his  hands.* 

One  generation  since  that  trying  hour  has  grown 
into  manhood  and  imbibed  the  poison  of  falsehood 
from  our  school-books,  while  studying  the  history  of 
the  Northwestern  Campaign.  Another  promising 
band  is  now  receiving  the  same  distorted  views,  over 
which  it  is  hoped  truth  will  sooner  or  later  triumph. 

Such  are  the  returns  rendered  to  a  soldier  of  the 
Revolution,  who,  through  long  and  trying  years  of  se 
vere  service,  aided  to  secure  the  sweets  of  liberty  and 
all  its  associated  advantages  of  moral  and  religious 
education. 

To  my  interesting  and  beloved  young  country 
men,  the  present  work  is  dedicated  ;  and  when  the 
youthful  student  learns  what  the  soldier  of  1776  per 
formed,  he  will  more  readily  be  convinced  by  truth 
and  facts,  that  he  was  altogether  innocent  of  the 
charges  of  which  he  was  accused  in  1812. 


*  General  Hull  was  the  Governor    well  as  Commander  of  the  army  at 
of  the  Territory  of   Michigan  as    this  time. 


CONTENTS. 


To  THE  READER iii 

LETTER  FROM  JARED  SPARKS,  ESQ v 

PREFACE vii 

CHAPTER  I. 

EARLY  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  HULL. — HE  JOINS  THE  ARMY  OF  WASHINGTON 
AT  CAMBRIDGE,  IN  JULY,  1775 17 

CHAPTER  II. 

SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. — WASHINGTON  TAKES  POSSESSION  OF  DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS. 
— EVACUATION  OF  BOSTON  BY  SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE  .  .  .  .25 

CHAPTER  III. 

EXECUTION  OF  CAPTAIN  HALE  AND  MAJOR  ANDRE. — PARALLEL  DRAWN 
BETWEEN  THESE  TWO  OFFICERS 31 

CHAPTER  IV. 

BATTLE  OF  CHATTERTON  HILL,  AT  THE  WHITE  PLAINS       .        .        .        .52 

CHAPTER  V. 

BATTLE  OF  TRENTON. — CAPTAIN  HULL  ACTS  AS  FIELD  OFFICER  IN  THE 
ABSENCE  OF  MAJOR  BROOKS 58 

CHAPTER  VI. 

CRITICAL  STATE  OF  THE  COUNTRY. — WASHINGTON'S  EFFORTS  TO  PREVENT 
THE  TROOPS  FROM  RETURNING  TO  THEIR  HOMES. — PROMOTION  OF  CAPTAIN 
HULL. — BATTLE  OF  PRINCETON 63 

CHAPTER  VH. 

RETREAT  OF  GENERAL  ST.  CLAIR  FROM  TICONDEROGA        .        .        .        .72 


xviii  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VHI. 

GENERAL  ARNOLD   MARCHES  TO  THE   RELIEF  OF  FORT  STANWIX. — TRIAL 
OF  BUTLER. — RETREAT  OF  GEN.  ST.  LEGER.  :         .     80 


CHAPTER  IX. 

GENERAL  SCHTJYLER  SUPERSEDED  IN  COMMAND  OF  THE  NORTHERN  ARMY 
BY  GENERAL  GATES 87 

CHAPTER  X. 

BURGOYNE'S  CAMPAIGN. — BATTLE  OF  THE  NINETEENTH  OF  SEPTEMBER     .     92 

CHAPTER  XL 

BATTLE  OF  THE  SEVENTH  OF  OCTOBER. — SURRENDER  OF  THE  BRITISH  ARMY 
UNDER  BURGOYNE 99 

CHAPTER  XII. 

VALLEY-FORGE. — SUFFERINGS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY          .        .        .112 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

BARON  STEUBEN  APPOINTED  A  MAJOR-GENERAL  IN  THE  ARMY. — LAFAYETTE 
SENT  WITH  A  DETACHMENT  TO  WATCH  THE  ENEMY. — HlS  ESCAPE  FROM 
THE  BRITISH  ARMY. — MAJOR  HULL  IN  THE  DETACHMENT  SENT  TO  REIN 
FORCE  HIM. — MEETING  OF  LAFAYETTE  AND  GENERAL  HULL  IN  1824  .  126 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  MONMOUTH 133 

CHAPTER  XV. 

MAJOR  HULL'S  COMMAND  ON  THE  LINES 142 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

CAPTURE  OF  STONY  POINT 155 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

PROMOTION  OF  MAJOR  HULL  TO  THE  RANK  OF  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL. — HE 

IS    TRANSFERRED   FROM    THE     ElGHTH     TO     THE     THIRD    MASSACHUSETTS 

REGIMENT. — APPOINTED  A  COMMISSIONER  TO  PRESENT  a  PETITION  TO 
THE  LEGISLATURE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  FOR  THE  RELIEF  OF  THE  OFFICERS 
AND  SOLDIERS. — APPOINTED  INSPECTOR  IN  THE  ARMY,  UNDER  BARON 
STEUBEN .171 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

STATE  OF  THE  CURRENCY. — MUTINIES  IN  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  AND  JERSEY 
LINES. — EXPEDITION  OF  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL  HULL  AGAINST  MORRIS- 
SANIA. — MARRIAGE  OF  COLONEL  HULL  • 178 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

COLONEL  HULL  DESPATCHED  BY  GENERAL  WASHINGTON  TO  COUNT  DE  Ro- 

CHAMBEAU. — PLAN   OF    ATTACK     ON     NEW-YORK   AND   OTHER    POINTS. 

CHANGE  OF  THE  SCENE  OF    OPERATIONS  FROM    NEW- YORK  TO  YORK- 
TOWN. — CAPTURE  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  CORNWALLIS. — WASHINGTON  TAKES 

LEAVE   OF  THE  ARMY 199 

CHAPTER  XX. 

DISBANDING  OF  THE  ARMY. — ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  SOCIETY  OF  CINCIN 
NATI. — MISSION  TO  QUEBEC 211 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

SHAYS'  REBELLION 218 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  SPIRIT  OF  DISAFFECTION  CONTINUES. — INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  REPRE 
SENTATIVE  OF  THE  TOWN  OF  NEWTON,  MASSACHUSETTS,  PREPARED  BY 

COLONEL  HULL  , 228 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

PETITION  TO  CONGRESS  FOR  PAY  OF  OFFICERS  AND  SOLDIERS  OF  THE 
REVOLUTIONARY  ARMY 240 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

INDIAN  WAR. — COLONEL  HULL  APPOINTED  A  COMMISSIONER  TO  UPPER 
CANADA,  TO  MAKE  ARRANGEMENTS  FOR  A  TREATY  WITH  THE  INDIANS. — 
INTERVIEW  WITH  GOVERNOR  SIMCOE 251 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

COLONEL  HULL  VISITS  EUROPE. — ADDRESS  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES,  JOHN  ADAMS,  AND  HIS  ANSWER,  IN  RELATION  TO 
THE  MILITIA  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  MIDDLESEX 261 


XX 


CONTENTS. 


APPENDIX. 
I. 

COLONEL  HULL'S  CONVERSATION  WITH  GOVERNOR  SIMCOE  (IN  1793)  RE 
SPECTING  WASHINGTON'S  ESCAPE  FROM  CORNWALLIS  AT  TRENTON,  NEW 
JERSEY 267 

II. 

THREE  LETTERS  FROM  THE  HONOURABLE  HORACE  BINNEY,  OF  PHILADELPHIA, 

TO  A  DAUGHTER  OF  GENERAL  WlLLIAM  HULL. EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER 

FROM  AN  OFFICER  OF  DISTINCTION  (MAJOR  HULL)  IN  THE  NORTHERN 
ARMY,  DATED  JULY  17,  1777,  TAKEN  FROM  THE  "  CONNECTICUT  Cou- 
RANT,"  HARTFORD,  JULY  28, 1777 269 


III. 

LETTERS  TO  MAJOR  HULL,  COMMANDING  ON  THE  LINES  IN  1779  . 


.  277 


IV. 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  MRS.  HULL  TO  ONE  OF  HER  DAUGHTERS,  DATED 
APRIL  12,  1822 284 

V. 

EXTRACTS  FROM  A  JOURNAL  OF  COLONEL  HULL,  WHILE  COMMISSIONER  TO 

TREAT    WITH   THE    BRITISH    AND    HOLD    TREATIES  WITH    THE   INDIANS  IN 

1794  .  286 


Page  vii. 
18, 
28, 
45, 
54, 
74, 
76, 
80, 
306, 
317, 
319, 
389, 
410, 


ERRATA, 

.  1,  for  wtl  read  will. 
25,  for  Housatonnuc  read  Housatonic. 
21,  and  p.  76,  1.  20,  for  Thatcher  read  Thacher. 
.  5,  for  close  read  Clove. 
5,  for  Brunx  read  Bronx. 
.  3,  for  withia  read  within. 
1,  for  thai  read  that. 
19,  for  Oanesvoort  read  Gansevoort. 
24,  for  17*A  read  14«A. 
24,  for  regular  times  read  regulations. 
24,  after  could  read  not. 
bottom  line,  for  Note  2d  read  Note  3d. 
close,  for  has  at  last  illuminated  read  will  at  last  illuminate. 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL  LIFE 


OF 


GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


CHAPTER   I. 

EARLY  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  HULL. — HE  JOINS  THE  ARMY  OF  WASHINGTON  AT 
CAMBRIDGE,  IN  JULY,  1775, 

1775. 

WILLIAM  HULL  was  born  at  Derby,  Connecticut, 
24th  June,  1753.  His  great-grandfather,  Joseph 
Hull,  emigrated  from  Derbyshire,  England,  and  set 
tled  in  Derby,  Connecticut.  His  grandfather,  Joseph 
Hull,  survived  his  father  but  a  few  years. 

Joseph  Hull,  the  father  of  the  subject  of  these 
Memoirs,  while  following  the  agricultural  pursuits  of 
his  ancestors,  was  likewise  engaged  in  the  councils 
of  his  country. 

He  was  elected  a  member  of  the  State   Legisla 
ture  for  many  successive  years.     His  immediate  de 
scendants,  consisted  of  six  sons  and  two  daughters. 
Joseph  was  the  eldest.    In  early  life,  he  engaged  in 
2 


18  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  West  India  trade.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
war  of  the  Revolution,  he  received  the  appointment 
of  Lieutenant  of  Artillery,  and  was  made  prisoner  at 
the  capture  of  Fort  Washington,  on  York  Island,  in 
1776. 

In  defence  of  this  Fortress,  he  is  reputed  to  have 
behaved  with  great  gallantry.  He  remained  in  cap 
tivity  two  years.  At  length  he  was  exchanged,  and 
his  unbroken  spirit  was  once  more  given  to  the  ser 
vice  of  his  country. 

Shortly  after,  he  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  some  boats  on  Long  Island  Sound,  formerly  used 
in  the  whale  fishery,  but  now  fitted  out  to  annoy  the 
enemy,  as  opportunity  might  offer.  In  this  limited 
but  dangerous  sphere  of  action,  he  gave  earnest  of 
a  mind  and  spirit,  which  under  other  circumstances 
would  probably  have  developed  more  important 
results. 

On  one  occasion,  a  British  armed  schooner  was 
lying  in  the  Sound.  She  was  engaged  in  transport 
ing  provisions  from  the  country  to  New- York,  where 
the  British  army  was  then  stationed.  Lieutenant 
Hull  proposed  to  some  of  his  companions  of  the  town 
of  Derby  to  go  out  and  capture  the  schooner. 

Derby  stands  on  the  Housatonnuc  river,  about 
twelve  miles  from  its  entrance  into  the  Sound.  On 
the  evening  appointed,  twenty  men,  placing  them 
selves  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Hull,  em 
barked  in  a  large  boat,  similar  to  those  used  in  carry 
ing  wood  to  the  city  of  New-York.  The  men  lay 
concealed  in  the  bottom  of  the  boat  ;  and  the  dusk 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  ]0 

of  the  evening  favouring  the  deception,  it  had  the 
appearance  of  being  loaded  with  wood.  As  they  ap 
proached  the  vessel,  the  sentinel  on  deck  hailed 
them. 

Lieutenant  Hull,  who  was  steering,  answered  the 
call,  but  continuing  his  course,  came  quite  near  the 
vessel,  without  exciting  suspicion,  when,  by  a  sudden 
movement,  he  drew  close  along  side  of  her.  His 
men,  well  armed,  sprang  to  her  deck.  The  com 
mander  of  the  schooner  was  sleeping  below,  arid 
aroused  by  the  firing  of  the  sentinel,  he  made  an  at 
tempt  to  gain  the  deck,  but  was  instantly  shot  dead. 

The  Americans  immediately  fastened  down  the 
hatches,  took  possession  of  the  vessel,  and  carried 
her  in  triumph  up  to  the  town. 

This  gallant  soldier  was  the  father  of  Commo 
dore  Hull,  who,  by  his  coolness  and  intrepidity,  was 
the  first  to  give  to  America  the  knowledge  of  her 
naval  superiority,  as  exhibited  in  his  celebrated  escape 
from  a  British  squadron  and  afterwards  by  his  victory 
over  the  "  Guerrier." 

Samuel  Hull  served  as  a  Lieutenant  a  part  of 
the  war,  and  was  reputed  a  brave  man.  Isaac  passed 
his  life  in  agricultural  pursuits.  Levi  died  young. 
Elizabeth  married  a  respectable  farmer,  and  settled  in 
Vermont.  Sarah  married  in  Derby,  and  soon  after 
died.  David  was  too  young  at  the  period  of  the 
war,  to  be  enrolled  with  his  brothers,  in  the  service  of 
his  country.  He  graduated  at  Yale  College,  and  be 
came  a  distinguished  physician,  in  Fairfield,  Connec 
ticut,  where  he  settled  and  died.  He  married  the 


20  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

daughter  of  Andrew  Elliott,  D.  D.,  of  Boston.  Doc 
tor  Hull  passed  his  life  in  extensive  professional  use 
fulness,  respected  and  beloved  by  a  large  circle  of 
his  fellow-citizens.  He  died,  a  faithful  disciple  of 
his  Saviour,  in  the  spring  of  1834. 

William,  the  fourth  son,  and  the  subject  of  this 
Memoir,  was  sent  at  an  early  period  to  reside  with 
his  grandfather  Hull.  He  attended  a  New  England 
school,  and  wras  instructed  in  the  common  branches 
of  English  education.  Residing  on  a  farm,  he  work 
ed  daily  in  the  fields,  and  here  he  acquired  that  taste 
for  agricultural  pursuits,  which  was  his  solace,  when 
the  dark  and  heavy  clouds  of  adversity  gathered  thick 
ly  around  the  gray  hairs  of  declining  years.  In  this 
employment  he  strengthened  a  naturally  good  con 
stitution,  which  secured  the  enjoyment  of  uninterrupt 
ed  health.  It  may  here  be  remarked,  that  a  vigor 
ous  body  and  sound  mind  are  often  united  through 
a  long  life,  when  the  early  years  of  childhood  are 
given  to  active  and  healthful  employments,  and  the 
mind  is  not  hurried  into  premature  cultivation. 

It  being  decided  that  William  should  receive  a 
liberal  education,  his  father  sent  for  him  to  return 
home.  His  grandfather  remonstrated,  for  he  could 
not  sympathize  with  the  more  enlarged  views  of  an 
other  generation.  He  loved  the  affectionate  and 
industrious  boy,  and  his  old  heart  grieved  to  part  with 
him.  "  Billy,"  he  said,  "  is  a  pure  boy  to  work  :  it 
is  a  shame  to  take  him  to  College." 

But  the  young  plough-boy  soon  proved  that  he 
had  mental  as  well  as  physical  strength.  He  studied 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  21 

with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Leavensworth,  a  highly  respected 
divine,  and  entered  Yale  College  at  the  age  of  fifteen 
years.  At  the  expiration  of  four  years,  he  graduated 
with  honour.  The  English  oration  was  assigned  him 
at  Commencement,  and  his  College  life,  as  well  as 
his  performance  on  this  occasion,  gave  satisfaction  to 
his  friends  and  all  who  were  interested  in  his  youthful 
career,  now  opening  with  such  fair  promise. 

His  first  occupation  after  leaving  College  was  the 
charge  of  a  school.  He  has  often  been  heard  to  say, 
that  "  this  was  among  the  happiest  years  of  his  life." 
But  his  parents  anxiously  desired  that  he  should  be 
come  a  clergyman.  Without  the  fixed  bias  for  this 
profession,  which  he  deemed  essential,  he  commenced 
the  study  of  Divinity,  rather  from  motives  of  filial 
affection,  than  from  a  conviction  of  religious  duty. 
He  studied  for  a  year  with  Dr.  Wates,  subsequently 
Professor  of  Theology  in  Yale  College.  But  he  was 
too  deeply  impressed  with  the  sacred  trust  devolving 
on  a  minister  of  the  gospel,  to  assume  its  responsi 
bilities  without  a  single  eye  to  the  glory  of  God,  and 
a  distinct  call  from  the  Holy  Spirit.  He  therefore 
withdrew  from  these  studies,  though  with  reluctance, 
inasmuch  as  he  disappointed  the  hopes  his  parents 
had  cherished  in  reference  to  the  clerical  profession. 
After  this  decision,  he  attached  himself  to  the  cele 
brated  Law  School  in  Litchfield,  Connecticut,  and 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1775. 

The  war  with  Great  Britain  was  now  the  subject 
of  universal  interest,  and  with  others  of  his  country 
men  did  the  young  barrister  sympathize  in  views 


22  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

and  feelings,  which  soon  gave  a  new  direction  to  his 
mind.  But  he  maintained  a  reserve  in  regard  to  his 
inclinations,  which  he  foresaw  would  soon  ripen  into 
action. 

His  father  returned  one  evening  from  a  meeting 
of  the  citizens  of  Derby.  He  said  to  his  son,  "  Who 
do  you  suppose  has  been  elected  Captain  of  the 
company  raised  in  this  town  ?"  He  named  several. 
His  father  replied,  "  It  is  yourself."  He  hesitated  not 
in  accepting  the  appointment,  so  unexpectedly  of 
fered  by  his  townsmen  ;  and  prepared  himself  to  join 
the  regiment  of  Colonel  Webb,  then  being  raised  by 
the  State.  At  this  interesting  moment,  his  father 
was  seized  with  a  severe  illness,  which  soon  termi 
nated  his  useful  life. 

By  his  will,  the  property,  respectable  for  the 
times,  was  bequeathed  to  his  widow  and  children. 
William  refused  to  receive  any  part  of  it.  He  said, 
"  I  want  only  my  sword  and  my  uniform."  With  a 
full,  but  resolute  heart,  he  left  his  peaceful  home,  and 
his  afflicted  family,  to  give  his  services  to  his  country, 
then  contending  for  rights  which  neither  remonstrance 
nor  patience,  but  force  only  could  obtain.  His  com 
pany  immediately  joined  the  regiment  which  marched 
to  Cambridge,  the  head-quarters  of  General  Wash 
ington. 

The  first  incident  recorded  by  Captain  Hull,  on 
his  arrival  in  camp,  is  a  striking  illustration  of  the 
deficiency  of  military  order,  discipline  and  etiquette, 
with  which  Washington  had  to  contend  throughout 
the  war.  A  body  of  the  enemy  landed  at  Lechmere's 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  £3 

Point,  on  the  main  land.     It  was  expected  an  attack 
would  be  made  on  the  American  lines.     The  alarm 
was  given,  and  the  troops  ordered  to  their  respective 
stations.     When  the  regiment  of   Col.   Webb  was 
formed  for  action,  the  captains  and  subalterns  ap 
peared,  dressed  in  long  cloth  frocks,  with  kerchiefs 
tied  about  their  heads.     Captain  Hull  was  the  only 
man  in  uniform.     The  officers  inquired    "  why  he 
came  out  in  full  dress  ; — that  the  regiment  was  going 
into  action,  and  that  he  would  be  a  mark  for  the  ene 
my's  fire."     He  replied,  "  that  he  thought  the  uni 
form  of  an  officer  was  designed  to  aid  his  influence 
and  increase  his  authority  over  his  men — and  if  ever 
important  in  these  points,  it  was  more  particularly  so 
in  the  hour  of  battle."     They  referred  to  their  expe 
rience,  remarking  that  "  in  the  French  war  it  was 
not  customary,  and  they  had  never  worn  it."    Captain 
Hull  yielded  to  age  and  experience,  sent  his  servant 
for  a  frock  and  kerchief,  and  dressed  himself  after 
the  fashion  of  his  companions.     His  company  was  in 
advance  of  the  British  lines.     While  at  this  station, 
General  Washington  and  suite,  in  the  course  of  re 
viewing  the  troops,  stopped  at  the  redoubt  and  asked 
"what  officer  commanded  there."      " With  feelings 
of  inexpressible  mortification,"  says  General    Hull, 
"  I  came  forward  in  my  savage  costume,  and  reported 
that  Captain   Hull  had  the  honour  of  commanding 
the   redoubt."      As    soon    as    General   Washington 
passed  on,  Captain  Hull  availed  himself  of  the  first 
moment  to  despatch  his  servant  with  all  possible  speed 
to  bring  him  his  uniform.     As  he  put  it  on,  he  quiet- 


24   .  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Jy  resolved,  never  more  to  subscribe  to  the  opinions 
of  men,  however  loyal  and  brave  in  their  country's 
service,  whose  views  were  so  little  in  unison  with  his 
own.  After  the  troops  had  waited  four  or  five  hours 
in  expectation  of  an  attack,  the  enemy  returned  to 
his  encampment,  having  no  other  object  in  making 
the  descent  than  to  procure  provisions. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  25 


CHAPTER    II. 

SIEGE  OF  BOSTON. — WASHINGTON  TAKES  POSSESSION  OF  DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS. 
— EVACUATION  OF  BOSTON  BY  SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE. 

1776. 

IN  October,  General  Gage  was  recalled  and  Gen 
eral  Howe  appointed  in  his  place,  to  take  command  of 
the  troops  in  Boston.  On  the  land  side,  the  town 
was  blockaded  by  the  Americans.  The  eyes  of  the 
whole  country  were  upon  Washington  and  expecta 
tion  at  its  highest  pitch.  It  was  believed  that  he  had 
an  army  adequate  to  every  emergency,  and  that  the 
British  General  would  soon  yield  to  the  force  of  his 
arms.  But  faint  were  the  hopes  of  the  American 
General  of  such  an  issue.  Yet,  trusting  in  an  over 
ruling  Providence,  his  strength  rose  in  proportion  to 
his  difficulties. 

In  a  letter  to  a  friend,  he  says  : — "  I  know 
the  unhappy  predicament  in  which  I  stand;  I 
know  that  much  is  expected  of  me  ;  I  know  that 
without  men,  without  arms,  without  ammunition, 
without  any  thing  fit  for  the  accommodation  of  a 
soldier,  little  is  to  be  done  ;  and  what  is  mortifying,  I 
know  that  I  cannot  stand  justified  to  the  world,  with 
out  exposing  my  own  weakness,  and  injuring  the 
cause,  by  declaring  my  wants,  which  I  am  deter- 


2(3  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

mined  not  to  do,  farther  than  unavoidable  necessity 
brings  every  man  acquainted  with  them.  My  situa 
tion  is  so  irksome  to  me  at  times,  that  if  I  did  not 
consult  the  public  good  more  than  my  own  tranquillity, 
I  should  long  ere  this  have  put  every  thing  on  the 
cast  of  a  die.  So  far  from  my  having  an  army  of 
twenty  thousand  men,  well  armed,  I  have  been  here 
with  less  than  half  that  number,  including  sick,  fur- 
loughed,  and  on  command ;  and  those  neither  armed 
nor  clothed  as  they  should  be.  In  short,  my  situa 
tion  has  been  such,  that  I  have  been  obliged  to  use 
art  to  conceal  it  from  my  own  officers."* 

A  resolution  had  been  passed  in  Congress  which 
Washington  viewed  as  an  expression  of  their  wishes, 
that  he  should  make  an  attack  on  Boston.  To  this 
he  was  fully  inclined,  and  he  begged  Congress  to  do 
him  the  justice  to  consider  that  circumstances,  not 
inclination,  occasioned  the  delay.  He  says,  "  It  is 
not  in  the  pages  of  History  to  furnish  a  case  like  ours. 
To  maintain  a  post  within  musket  shot  of  the  enemy, 
for  six  months  together,  without  ammunition,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  disband  one  army  and  recruit  an 
other,  within  that  distance  of  twenty  odd  British 
regiments,  is  more  than  probably  ever  was  attempted. 
But  if  we  succeed  as  well  in  the  latter  as  we  have 
hitherto  done  in  the  former,  I  shall  think  it  the  most 
fortunate  event  of  my  whole  life."f 

Such  were  the  difficulties  which  embarrassed  the 


*  Sparks'  Life  and  Writings  of        f  Marshall's  Washington,  Vol.  II., 
Washington,  Vol.  L,  page  170.          page  340. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  27 

movements  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  The  short 
enlistment  of  the  troops  furnished  no  opportunity  for 
their  improvement  in  discipline.  The  officers  were 
unable  to  establish  their  authority,  and  insubordina 
tion  and  misrule  prevailed.  General  Washington 
says  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Congress :  "  To  make 
men  well  acquainted  with  the  duties  of  a  soldier,  re 
quires  time.  To  bring  them  under  proper  discipline 
and  subordination,  not  only  requires  time,  b'ut  is  a 
work  of  great  difficulty  ;  and  in  this  army,  where 
there  is  so  little  distinction  between  officers  and  sol 
diers,  requires  an  uncommon  degree  of  attention. 
To  expect,  then,  the  same  service  from  raw  and  un 
disciplined  recruits,  as  from  veteran  soldiers,  is  to 
expect  what  never  did,  and  perhaps  never  will  hap 
pen."  * 

To  dislodge  the  enemy  from  Boston,  before  they 
received  reinforcements,  was  an  object  of  the  highest 
importance.  To  effect  this,  four  or  five  thousand 
troops  were  enlisted  in  Massachusetts,  but  a  council 
of  war  decided  almost  unanimously  against  the  attack, 
principally  on  the  ground  of  the  wrant  of  ammuni 
tion, — and  to  General  Washington's  great  regret  the 
measure  was  abandoned. 

It  has  been  a  question  why  General  Howe,  with 
a  force  of  ten  thousand  men,  did  not  attack  the  be 
sieging  army ;  and  it  is  supposed  to  have  resulted, 
either  from  ignorance  of  its  weakness,  or  from  the 
express  orders  of  his  government,  to  put  nothing  to 

*  Marshall's  Washington,  Vol.  II.,  page  345. 


28  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

hazard.  As  the  attack  on  Boston  was  abandoned, 
Washington  decided  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester 
Heights,  which  lie  east  of  the  town  and  entirely  com 
mand  it.  This  step,  if  successful,  would  force  the 
British  to  evacuate.  To  deceive  the  enemy  and  fa 
cilitate  the  execution  of  the  plan,  a  heavy  bombard 
ment  and  fire  was  kept  up  from  Lechmere's  Point, 
Cobble  Hill  and  Roxbury,  together  with  other  posi 
tions  in*  the  neighbourhood  of  the  enemy.  This  took 
place  on  the  second  of  March.  On  the  night  of  the 
fourth,  immediately  after  our  firing  began,  a  body  of 
American  troops,  under  the  command  of  General 
Thomas,  in  which  was  Captain  Hull's  company, 
marched  from  Roxbury  to  the  Heights,  and  having 
prepared  fascines,  for  the  construction  of  the  works 
by  hand-labour,  at  morning  light  a  barrier  had  been 
raised  to  screen  them  from  the  enemy.  A  severe 
but  ineffectual  fire  was  directed  by  the  British 
against  our  works,  and  General  Howe  deemed  it  ne 
cessary  to  dislodge  our  troops  from  their  position,  or 
he  could  no  longer  hold  the  town.  Dr.  Thatcher,  in 
his  Military  Journal,  who  was  a  witness  of  what  he 
narrates,  gives  a  lively  description  of  these  events. 

Here  Washington  showed  the  genius  and  resolu 
tion  of  the  soldier.  In  one  night  he  made  himself 
master  of  ground  that  left  no  alternative  to  his  adver 
sary,  but  to  fight  or  evacuate  the  town.  The  plan 
was  bold,  and  in  the  execution  of  it  he  was  nobly 
sustained  by  the  brave  and  virtuous  yeomanry  of  New 
England.  His  ranks  were  filled ;  the  munitions  of 
war  were  brought  to  his  aid,  and  the  spirit  of  so  many 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  29 

heroes  supplied,  for  the  time,  the  deficiency  of  disci 
pline  ;  while  his  single  word  moved  the  congregated 
multitude  to  act  with  one  voice  and  one  heart. 

Napoleon,  when  addressing  his  army,  just  before 
the  battle  of  Moscow,  as  the  sun  arose,  said,  with  the 
tact  of  one  who  well  knew  the  human  heart — '  This 
is  the  Sun  of  AusterlitzS  Washington,  at  the  moment 
when  he  expected  to  be  engaged  in  a  severe  conflict 
with  the  enemy,  exhorted  his  troops  "  to  bear  in  mind 
the  fifth  of  March"  when  the  first  blood  of  their 
countrymen  was  shed  in  the  sacred  cause  of  liberty. 
He  has  been  called  the  American  Fabius,  it  being 
said,  "  that  the  art  of  avoiding  battle,  of  baffling  the 
enemy,  and  of  temporizing,  was  his  talent  as  well  as 
his  taste."  But  we  have  seen  at  this  period,  his  fixed 
purpose,  to  make  an  attack  on  Boston,  in  the  hope, 
that  it  would  result  in  the  destruction  of  the  British 
army.  In  this  he  was  disappointed ;  for  after  the 
decision  of  three  successive  councils  of  war,  he  was 
obliged  to  abandon  a  plan,  in  the  prosecution  of  which 
he  was  sanguine  of  success.  Washington  combined 
the  two  indispensable  ingredients  which  form  the 
character  of  the  soldier,  and  when  we  arrive  at  the 
stirring  scenes  of  Trenton  and  of  Princeton,  when  he 
took  an  offensive  position  and  won  two  battles  in  less 
than  twenty-four  hours,  we  shall  find  it  difficult  to 
admit  the  assertion  that  ;  avoiding  battles,  baffling  the 
enemy,  and  temporizing,  was  his  talent  as  well  as  his 
taste  !' 

Again,  in  his  new  position  on  the  Heights,  he 
challenges  his  adversary  to  battle,  and  carries  out  his 


30  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

plans  of  offensive  operations.  In  the  full  expectation 
of  an  assault  on  Dorchester  Heights,  his  intention 
was,  either  during  or  after  the  battle,  should  a  favour 
able  moment  offer,*  "  to  embark  from  Cambridge 
four  thousand  chosen  men,  who,  rapidly  crossing  the 
arm  of  the  sea,  should  take  advantage  of  the  tumult 
and  confusion,  to  attempt  the  assault  of  the  town." 

Upon  General  Washington's  taking  possession  of 
Dorchester  Heights,  General  Howe  was  compelled 
either  to  attack  him  immediately  in  this  new  and 
strong  position  or  to  evacuate  the  town.  For  many 
reasons  he  judged  the  latter  course  preferable,  and  ac 
cordingly  abandoned  Boston  to  the  Americans.  The 
details  of  these  transactions  may  be  found  in  Botta, 
and  in  other  histories  of  the  Revolution. 

*  Otis's  Translation  of  Botta's  History,  Vol.  II. 5  page  39. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


CHAPTER    III. 

EXECUTION  OF  CAPTAIN   HALE  AND  MAJOR  ANDRE. — PARALLEL    DRAWN  BE 
TWEEN  THESE  TWO   OFFICERS. 

1776. 

THE  successful  termination  of  the  siege  of  Boston 
rendered  the  presence  of  the  American  army  no  long 
er  necessary  ;  and  New-York  being  now  the  object 
of  the  enemy,  General  Washington  removed  the 
troops  to  the  defence  of  that  city.  To  obtain  this 
position,  was  highly  important  to  the  British,  as  it 
would,  by  means  of  the  Hudson,  open  their  communi 
cation  with  Canada,  and  enable  them  to  co-operate 
with  the  troops  in  that  quarter. 

General  Howe  sailed  from  Boston  to  Halifax, 
where  he  received  reinforcements  from  England. 
He  then  bent  his  course  southwardly,  and  took  pos 
session  of  Staten  Island,  near  New- York. 

The  Americans  had  been  engaged  under  General 
Greene  in  fortifying  the  Heights  of  Brooklyn.  This 
officer  was  obliged  from  illness  to  retire  from  command, 
and  General  Sullivan  succeeded  him.  General  Put 
nam  was  finally  sent  over,  and  on  him  the  command 
devolved,  four  days  before  the  battle  commenced. 
The  British  army,  soon  after,  passed  over  to  Long 
Island,  between  the  Narrows  and  Sandy  Hook.  A 


32  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

severe  action  took  place.  The  force  of  the  Ameri 
cans  was  about  five  thousand — that  of  the  British, 
fifteen  thousand  men.  Lord  Stirling's  division  con 
sisted  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and  Delaware  troops. 
They  fought  with  great  bravery.  General  Sullivan's 
corps  was  attacked  on  both  sides,  and  after  an  obsti 
nate  resistance  for  three  hours,  he  was  compelled 
to  surrender.  The  courage  and  good  conduct  of  all 
the  troops  were  universally  acknowledged.  Their 
loss  was  between  eleven  and  twelve  hundred,  more 
than  a  thousand  of  whom  were  captured. 

General  Sullivan  and  Lord  Stirling  were  among 
the  prisoners.  In  the  midst  of  this  sanguinary  battle, 
General  Washington  crossed  over  to  Long  Island 
with  a  part  of  his  army  and  took  possession  of  Brook 
lyn  Heights.  The  regiment  of  Colonel  Webb,  to 
which  Captain  Hull  was  attached,  was  in  this  division. 
We  saw  the  carnage  of  our  brave  countrymen.  The 
soul  of  Washington  seemed  bursting  with  anguish  at 
an  event  so  unexpected  and  distressing.  To  hasten 
to  the  succour  of  his  gallant  troops,  was  his  first  wish; 
but  prudence  denied  this  relief,  which  he  had  too 
much  reason  to  apprehend  could  only  be  secured  by 
the  sacrifice  of  his  remaining  brave  soldiers.  Besides 
those  with  him,  he  had  at  command  the  troops  in 
New-York,  which  he  might  have  ordered  into  the  bat 
tle.  But  sensible  of  his  inability  to  contend  with  the 
powerful  army  of  the  British,  in  the  spirit  of  his  usual 
wisdom  and  self-command  he  restrained  the  desire, 
and  turned  his  attention  to  the  best  mode  of  making 
a  retreat.  "  A  council  of  war  was  called.  No  time 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  33 

was  lost  in  deliberation.  It  was  resolved  to  with 
draw  the  troops  from  Long  Island.  Boats  were  col 
lected  and  other  preparations  were  made  without 
delay.  On  the  morning  of  the  thirtieth,  the  whole 
army,  amounting  to  nine  thousand  men,  the  military 
stores,  nearly  all  the  provisions,  and  the  artillery  ex 
cept  a  few  heavy  cannon,  were  safely  landed  in  New- 
York. 

"  With  such  secrecy,  silence  and  order  was  every 
thing  conducted,  that  the  last  boat  was  crossing  the 
river,  before  the  retreat  was  discovered  by  the  enemy, 
although  parties  were  stationed  within  six  hundred 
yards  of  the  lines. 

"  This  retreat,  in  its  plan,  execution,  and  success, 
has  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
military  events  in  history,  and  as  reflecting  the  high 
est  credit  on  the  talents  and  skill  of  the  Commander. 
So  intense  was  the  anxiety  of  Washington,  so  un 
ceasing  his  exertions,  that  for  forty-eight  hours  he 
did  not  close  his  eyes,  and  rarely  dismounted  from  his 
horse."* 

It  was  evident,  that  the  superior  force  of  the 
British,  would  soon  give  them  possession  of  New- 
York.  The  Commmander-in-chief,  therefore,  took 
a  position  at  Fort  Washington,  at  the  other  end  of 
the  Island.  To  ascertain  the  further  object  of  the 
enemy,  was  now  a  subject  of  anxious  inquiry  with 
General  Washington.  He  communicated  his  wishes 
to  Colonel  Knowlton,  who  made  it  known  to  Captain 

*  "Writings  of  Washington,"  by  Sparks.  Vol.  I.,  page  192. 

3 


34  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Hale  and  other  officers  of  his  regiment.  Captain 
Hale  had  recently  been  transferred  from  the  regiment 
of  Colonel  Webb  to  that  of  Colonel  Knowlton. 
There  existed  a  warm  friendship  between  himself 
and  Captain  Hull.  They  were  of  the  same  age,  and 
had  been  classmates  at  Yale  College.  Two  years 
after  they  graduated,  the  war  commenced.  They 
heard  of  the  battles  of  Lexington  and  Bunker  Hill. 
Their  names  were  soon  enrolled  under  the  standard 
of  their  country,  and  they  marched  in  the  same  regi 
ment,  to  join  the  army  of  Washington  at  Cambridge, 
shortly  after  his  arrival  in  camp. 

Captain  Hull  had  every  opportunity  to  learn  the 
true  character  of  his  much  loved  associate,  nor  can  it 
be  supposed,  that  there  was  a  want  of  discrimination 
in  the  warm  expression  of  his  sentiments.  He  says 
in  his  MSS.  Memoirs  :  "  There  was  no  young  man 
who  gave  fairer  promise  of  an  enlightened  and 
devoted  service  to  his  country,  than  this  my  friend 
and  companion  in  arms.  His  naturally  fine  intellect 
had  been  carefully  cultivated,  and  his  heart  was  filled 
with  generous  emotions  ;  but,  like  the  soaring  eagle, 
the  patriotic  ardour  of  his  soul  <  winged  the  dart 
which  caused  his  destruction.' 

"  After  his  interview  with  Colonel  Knowlton,  he 
repaired  to  my  quarters,  and  informed  me  of  what 
had  passed.  He  remarked,  <  That  he  thought  he  owed 
to  his  country  the  accomplishment  of  an  object  so 
important,  and  so  much  desired  by  the  Commander 
of  her  armies,  and  he  knew  of  no  other  mode  of  ob 
taining  the  information,  than  by  assuming  a  disguise 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  35 

and  passing  into  the  enemy's  camp.'  He  asked  my 
candid  opinion,  I  replied,  that  it  was  an  action  which 
involved  serious  consequences,  and  the  propriety  of 
it  was  doubtful ;  and  though  he  viewed  the  busi 
ness  of  a  spy  as  a  duty,  yet,  he  could  not  official 
ly  be  required  to  perform  it.  That  such  a  service 
was  not  claimed  of  the  meanest  soldier,  though 
many  might  be  willing,  for  a  pecuniary  compensation, 
to  engage  in  it ;  and  as  for  himself,  the  employment 
was  not  in  keeping  with  his  character.  His  nature 
was  too  frank  and  open  for  deceit  and  disguise,  and 
he  was  incapable  of  acting  a  part  equally  foreign 
to  his  feelings  and  habits.  Admitting  that  he  was 
successful,  who  would  wish  success  at  such  a  price  ? 
Did  his  country  demand  the  moral  degradation  of  her 
sons,  to  advance  her  interests  ?  Stratagems  are 
resorted  to  in  war  ;  they  are  feints  and  evasions, 
performed  under  no  disguise  ;  are  familiar  to  com 
manders  ;  form  a  part  of  their  plans,  and,  considered 
in  a  military  view,  lawful  and  advantageous.  The 
tact  with  which  they  are  executed,  exacts  admiration 
from  the  enemy.  But  who  respects  the  character 
of  a  spy,  assuming  the  garb  of  friendship  but  to  be 
tray  ?  The  very  death  assigned  him  is  expressive  of 
the  estimation  in  which  he  is  held.  As  soldiers,  let 
us  do  our  duty  in  the  field  ;  contend  for  our  legitimate 
rights,  and  not  stain  our  honour  by  the  sacrifice  of 
integrity.  And  when  present  events,  with  all  their 
deep  and  exciting  interests,  shall  have  passed  away, 
may  the  blush  of  shame  never  arise,  by  the  remem 
brance  of  an  unworthy,  though  successful  act,  in  the 


36  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

performance  of  which  we  were  deceived  by  the  be 
lief  that  it  was  sanctified  by  its  object.  I  ended  by 
saying,  that  should  he  undertake  the  enterprise,  his 
short,  bright  career,  would  close  with  an  ignominious 
death. 

"  He  replied,  '  I  am  fully  sensible  of  the  conse 
quences  of  discovery  and  capture  in  such  a  situation. 
But  for  a  year  I  have  been  attached  to  the  army,  and 
have  not  rendered  any  material  service,  while  re 
ceiving  a  compensation,  for  which  I  make  no  return. 
Yet,'  he  continued,  '  I  arn  not  influenced  by  the  ex 
pectation  of  promotion  or  pecuniary  reward  ;  I  wish 
to  be  useful,  and  every  kind  of  service,  necessary  to 
the  public  good,  becomes  honourable  by  being  ne 
cessary.  If  the  exigencies  of  my  country  demand 
a  peculiar  service,  its  claims  to  perform  that  service 
are  imperious.' 

"He  spoke  with  warmth  and  decision.  I  replied, 
c  That  such  are  your  wishes,  cannot  be  doubted. 
But  is  this  the  most  effectual  mode  of  carrying  them 
into  execution  ?  In  the  progress  of  the  war,  there 
will  be  ample  opportunity  to  give  your  talents  and 
your  life,  should  it  be  so  ordered,  to  the  sacred  cause 
to  which  we  are  pledged.  You  can  bestow  upon 
your  country  the  richest  benefits,  and  win  for  your 
self  the  highest  honours.  Your  exertions  for  her  in 
terests  will  be  daily  felt,  while,  by  one  fatal  act,  you 
crush  for  ever  the  power  and  the  opportunity  Heaven 
offers,  for  her  glory  and  your  happiness.' 

"  I  urged  him,  for  the  love  of  country,  for  the  love 
of  kindred,  to  abandon  an  enterprise  which  would 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  37 

only  end  in  the  sacrifice  of  the   dearest  interests  of 
both. 

"  He  paused — then  affectionately  taking  my  hand, 
he  said,  «  I  will  reflect,  and  do  nothing  but  what 
duty  demands.'  He  was  absent  from  the  army,  and 
I  feared  he  had  gone  to  the  British  lines,  to  execute 
his  fatal  purpose.  In  a  few  days  an  officer  came  to 
our  camp,  under  a  flag  of  truce,  and  informed  Hamil 
ton,  then  a  captain  of  artillery,  but  afterwards  the 
aid  of  General  Washington,  that  Captain  Hale  had 
been  arrested  within  the  British  lines,  condemned  as 
a  spy,  and  executed  that  morning. 

"  I  learned  the  melancholy  particulars  from  this  of 
ficer,  who  wras  present  at  his  execution,  and  seemed 
touched  by  the  circumstances  attending  it. 

"  He  said  that  Captain  Hale  had  passed  through 
their  army,  both  of  Long  Island  and  York  Island. 
That  he  had  procured  sketches  of  the  fortifications, 
and  made  memoranda  of  their  number  and  different 
positions.  When  apprehended,  he  was  taken  before 
Sir  William  Howe,  and  these  papers,  found  concealed 
about  his  person,  betrayed  his  intentions.  He  at  once 
declared  his  name,  his  rank  in  the  American  army, 
and  his  object  in  coming  within  the  British  lines. 

"  Sir  William  Howe,  without  the  form  of  a  trial, 
gave  orders  for  his  execution  the  following  morning. 
He  was  placed  in  the  custody  of  the  Provost  Marshal, 
who  was  a  Refugee,  and  hardened  to  human  suffering 
and  every  softening  sentiment  of  the  heart.  Captain 
Hale,  alone,  without  sympathy  or  support,  save  that 
from  above,  on  the  near  approach  of  death  asked  for 


38  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

a  clergyman  to  attend  him.  It  was  refused.  He 
then  requested  a  Bible  ;  that  too  was  refused  by  his 
inhuman  jailer. 

"  '  On  the  morning  of  his  execution,'  continued 
the  officer,  '  my  station  was  near  the  fatal  spot,  and 
I  requested  the  Provost  Marshal  to  permit  the  pris 
oner  to  sit  in  my  marquee,  while  he  was  making  the 
necessary  preparations.  Captain  Hale  entered  :  he 
was  calm,  and  bore  himself  with  gentle  dignity,  in 
the  consciousness  of  rectitude  and  high  intentions. 
He  asked  for  writing  materials,  which  I  furnished 
him  :  he  wrote  two  letters,  one  to  his  mother  and  one 
to  a  brother  officer.5  He  was  shortly  after  summoned 
to  the  gallows.  But  a  few  persons  were  around 
him,  yet  his  characteristic  dying  words  were  remem 
bered.  He  said,  '  I  only  regret,  that  I  have  but  one 
life  to  lose  for  my  country.' ' 

Thus  terminated  the  earthly  existence  of  a  man? 
whose  country  mourned  the  loss  of  one  of  her  fairest 
sons,  and  whose  friends  wept,  in  the  bitter  recollec 
tion  of  his  untimely  fate. 

The  Provost  Marshal,  in  the  diabolical  spirit  of 
cruelty,  destroyed  the  letters  of  his  prisoner,  and  as 
signed  as  a  reason,  "  that  the  rebels  should  not  know 
that  they  had  a  man  in  their  army  who  could  die 
with  so  much  firmness." 

The  sentence  was  just,  according  to  the  laws  of  war^ 
but  the  manner  of  its  execution  must  ever  be  deplored. 

There  is  a  similarity  in  the  fate  of  Major  Andre 
and  that  of  Captain  Hale  ;  the  former  of  whom  ex 
cited  so  lively  an  interest  in  both  armies,  while  the 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  39 

latter  has  been  rarely  alluded  to  by  the  historians  of 
the  Revolution. 

Major  Andre  was  the  Adjutant  General  of  the 
British  army.  He  possessed  a  cultivated  mind, 
genius  in  the  fine  arts,  and  was  the  charm  of  society 
wherever  he  was  known. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  in  Sept.  1780  was  com 
manding  in  New-York,  placed  the  highest  confidence 
in  his  abilities  and  patriotism.  For  eighteen  months, 
an  anonymous  correspondence  had  been  held  be 
tween  the  British  Commander  and  General  Arnold, 
when  finally  Arnold  made  himself  known,  and  offered 
to  deliver  to  the  enemy  of  his  country  West  Point 
and  the  neighbouring  fortresses  in  the  Highlands, 
then  under  his  immediate  command. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  proposed  to  Major  Andre  to 
ascend  the  Hudson  in  the  Vulture  sloop  of  war,  and 
have  an  interview  with  General  Arnold,  that  they 
might  settle  upon  a  plan,  which,  if  successful,  they 
hoped  would  strike  a  fatal  blow  to  the  liberties  of 
America,  and  thus  put  an  end  to  the  war. 

Andre,  it  was  believed,  possessed  the  talent  and 
the  tact  to  negotiate  this  delicate  business.  He  was 
promised  promotion  and  pecuniary  reward.  In  a 
fatal  hour  he  consented  to  go  ;  to  meet  a  traitor  ;  a 
man  low  in  every  thing  but  military  genius  :  and  by 
thus  descending,  brought  ruin  on  himself,  and  injured 
the  cause,  for  which  he  was  making  such  immense 
sacrifices.  They  met.  Their  plan  was  settled ; 
was  committed  to  paper,  together  with  the  drawings 
of  the  fortifications  ;  all  of  which  were  given  to  Ma 
jor  Andre. 


40  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

The  Vulture  sloop  of  war  having  been  fired  upon 
by  the  Americans,  had  dropped  down  the  river,  but 
soon  after  returned  to  her  station. 

Joshua  Smith,  the  only  person  that  could  be  em 
ployed  by  Arnold  to  take  Andre  back  to  the  vessel, 
became  alarmed,  it  is  supposed,  on  account  of  the 
firing,  and  refused  to  go.  This  man  was  perfectly 
ignorant  of  the  nature  of  the  transaction.  He  believ 
ed  he  was  acting  for  his  country's  interests,  and, 
as  appeared  on  his  trial,  was  completely  duped  by 
Arnold. 

The  only  alternative  for  Andre  \vas,  to  return  by 
land.  This  was  full  of  danger,  but  the  danger  must 
be  met. 

Major  Andre  received  the  pass  of  General  Arnold, 
took  off  his  uniform,  assumed  the  name  of  John 
Anderson,  and  crossing  the  Hudson  at  Stony  Point, 
commenced  his  perilous  journey.  He  felt  his  situa 
tion  extremely  critical  when  within  the  American 
lines,  and  stopped  at  their  outposts  :  but  the  pass  of 
Arnold  still  carried  him  on  with  safety. 

At  length  a  guide  was  no  longer  necessary,  and 
Smith  left  him  and  returned  home.  Andre  went  on, 
until  he  arrived  within  half  a  mile  of  Tarrytown. 
Here  he  was  stopped  by  three  men.  Their  names 
were  John  Paulding,  David  Williams,  and  Isaac  Van 
Wart.*  One  of  them  said,  "  There  comes  a  gentle 
manlike  looking  man,  who  appears  to  be  well  dressed, 

*  For  a  most  interesting  account  ferred  to  Sparks'  Life  of  Benedict 
of  the  circumstances  attending  the  Arnold,  from  which  some  of  the 
capture  of  Andre,  the  reader  is  re-  above  particulars  are  taken. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  4J 

and  has  boots  on,  and  whom  you  had  better  step  out 
and  stop,  if  you  don't  know  him."* 

."  On  that  I  got  up  and  presented  my  firelock  at 
the  breast  of  the  person,  and  told  him  to  stand  ;  and 
then  I  asked  him  which  way  he  was  going.  '  Gen 
tlemen,'  said  he,  c  I  hope  you  belong  to  our  party.' 
I  asked  him  what  party.  He  said,  c  The  lower  par 
ty.'  Upon  that  I  told  him  I  did.  Then  he  said, 
'  I  am  a  British  officer,  out  of  the  country,  on  particu 
lar  business,  and  1  hope  you  will  not  detain  me  a 
minute  ;' — and  to  show  that  he  was  a  British  officer, 
he  pulled  out  his  watch.  Upon  which,  I  told  him  to 
dismount.  He  then  said,  '  Well,  I  must  do  any 
thing  to  get  along,'  and  seemed  to  make  a  kind  of 
laugh  of  it,  and  pulled  out  General  Arnold's  pass, 
which  was  to  John  Anderson,  to  pass  all  guards  to 
White  Plains,  and  below.  Upon  that,  he  dismount 
ed.  Said  he,  '  Gentlemen,  you  had  best  let  me  go, 
or  you  will  bring  yourselves  into  trouble  ;  for  your 
stopping  me  will  detain  the  General's  business  ;'  and 
said,  he  was  going  to  Dobb's  ferry  to  meet  a  person 
there  and  to  get  intelligence  for  General  Arnold. 
Upon  that,  I  told  him,  that  I  hoped  he  would  not 
be  offended  ;  that  we  did  not  mean  to  take  any 
thing  from  him  ;  and  1  told  him,  there  were  bad 
people  who  were  going  along  the  road,  and  I  did 
not  know  but  perhaps  he  might  be  one. 

"  We  took  him  into  the  bushes,"  said  Williams, 


*  This  was  a  part  of  the  testimo-    er's  Journal,  page  261,  for  Resolu- 
ny  given  by  his  captors,  eleven  days     tion  of  Congress,  in  a  Note, 
after  Andre  was  taken.  See  Thatch- 


42  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

"  and  ordered  him  to  pull  off  his  clothes,  which  he 
did  ;  but  on  searching  him  narrowly,  we  could  not 
find  any  sort  of  writings.  We  told  him  to  pull  off 
his  boots,  which  he  seemed  to  be  indifferent  about ; 
but  we  got  one  boot  off,  and  searched  in  that  boot 
and  could  find  nothing.  But  we  found  there  were 
some  papers  in  the  bottom  of  his  stocking,  next  to 
his  foot,  on  which,  we  made  him  pull  his  stocking 
off,  and  found  three  papers  wrapped  up.  Mr. 
Paulding  looked  at  the  contents,  and  said  he  was  a 
spy.  We  then  made  him  pull  off  his  other  boot, 
and  there  we  found  three  more  papers,  at  the  bot 
tom  of  his  foot,  within  his  stocking.  Upon  this,  we 
made  him  dress  himself,  and  I  asked  him,  what  he 
would  give  us  to  let  him  go.  He  said,  he  would 
give  us  any  sum  of  money.  I  asked  him  whether 
he  would  give  us  his  horse,  saddle  and  bridle,  watch, 
and  one  hundred  guineas.  He  said  yes,  and  told 
us,  he  would  direct  them  to  any  place,  even  if  it  was 
that  very  spot,  so  that  we  could  get  them.  I 
asked  him  if  he  would  not  give  us  more.  He  said 
he  would  give  us  any  quantity  of  dry  goods,  or  any 
sum  of  money,  and  bring  it  to  any  place  that  we 
might  pitch  upon,  so  that  we  might  get  it.  Mr. 
Paulding  answered,  c  No,  if  you  should  give  us  ten 
thousand  guineas,  you  should  not  stir  one  step.' 

"  I  then  asked  the  person,  who  had  called  him 
self  John  Anderson,  if  he  would  not  get  away  if  it 
lay  in  his  power.  He  answered,  *  Yes,  I  would.'  I 
told  him,  1  did  not  intend  he  should.  While  tak 
ing  him  along,  we  asked  him  a  few  questions,  and 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  43 

we  stopped  under  a  shade.  He  begged  us  not  to 
ask  him  questions,  and  said,  when  he  came  to  any 
Commander,  he  would  reveal  all. 

"  In  a  few  hours,  we  delivered  him  up  to  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Jameson,  who  commanded  at  North 
Castle,  with  all  the  papers  that  had  been  taken  from 
his  boots. "* 

The  papers  were  of  great  importance,  and  had 
the  plot  succeeded,  would  have  given  to  the  enemy 
an  advantage,  productive  of  the  most  serious  conse 
quences.  Major  Andre,  aware  that  his  papers  had 
been  sent  to  General  Washington,  and  not  to  General 
Arnold,  as  he  had  hoped,  wrote  to  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  a  full  confession  of  his  name,  rank  in  the 
British  army,  and  his  object  in  coming  within  the 
American  lines.  After  he  had  written  this  letter,  it 
was  remarked  by  Major  Tallmage,  who  now  had 
charge  of  the  prisoner,  that  he  seemed  more  cheerful, 
entered  into  conversation,  in  his  own  delightful  and 
peculiar  way,  and  greatly  interested  all  around  him, 
by  the  vivacity  and  beauty  of  a  well-stored  intellect. 

In  a  communication  to  Mr.  Sparks,  Major  Tall- 
mage  writes  :  "  When  we  left  West  Point  for  Tappan, 
early  in  the  morning,  as  we  passed  down  the  Hudson 
river  to  King's  Ferry,  I  placed  Andre  by  my  side,  on 
the  after  seat  of  the  barge.  I  soon  began  to  make 
inquiries  about  the  expected  capture  of  our  fortress, 
then  in  full  view,  and  begged  him  to  inform  me, 
whether  he  was  to  have  taken  a  part  in  the  military 

*  See  Sparks'  Life  and  Treason  of  Benedict  Arnold,  page  226. 


44  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

attack,  if  Arnold's  plan  had  succeeded.  He  instantly 
replied  in  the  affirmative,  and  pointed  me  to  a  table 
of  land  on  the  west  shore,  which  he  said  was  the 
spot  where  he  should  have  landed,  at  the  head  of 
a  select  corps.  He  then  traversed,  in  idea,  the 
course  up  the  mountains,  into  the  rear  of  Fort  Put 
nam,  which  overlooks  the  whole  parade  of  West 
Point.  This  he  did  with  much  greater  exactness 
than  I  could  have  done ;  and  as  Arnold  had  so  dis 
posed  of  the  garrison,  that  little  or  no  opposition 
could  be  made  by  our  troops,  Major  Andre  supposed 
he  should  reach  that  commanding  eminence  without 
difficulty. 

"  In  such  case,  that  important  key  of  our  coun 
try  would  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
and  the  glory  of  so  splendid  an  achievement  would 
have  been  his.  The  animation  with  which  he  gave 
the  account,  I  recollect,  perfectly  delighted  me,  for 
he  seemed  as  if  he  were  entering  the  fort,  sword 
in  hand. 

"  To  complete  the  climax,  I  inquired  what 
would  have  been  his  reward,  if  he  had  succeeded. 
He  replied,  that  military  glory  was  all  he  sought : 
and  that  the  thanks  of  his  General  and  the  appro 
bation  of  his  King  were  a  rich  reward  for  such  an 
undertaking.  I  think  he  further  remarked,  that  if 
he  had  succeeded  (and  with  the  aid  of  the  opposing 
General  who  could  doubt  of  success  ?)  he  was  to 
have  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  a  Brigadier-Gen 
eral. 

"  After  we  disembarked  at  King's  Ferry,  near  Ha- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  45 

verstraw,  we  took  up  our  line  of  march,  with  a  fine 
body  of  horse,  for  Tappan.  Before  we  reached  the 
close,  Major  Andre  became  very  inquisitive  to  know 
my  opinion,  as  to  the  result  of  his  capture.  In 
other  words,  he  wished  me  to  give  him  candidly  my 
opinion,  as  to  the  light  in  which  he  would  be  viewed 
by  General  Washington  and  a  Military  Tribunal,  if 
one  should  be  ordered. 

"This  was  the  most  unpleasant  question  that  had 
been  propounded  to  me,  and  I  endeavoured  to  evade 
it,  unwilling  to  give  him  a  true  answer. 

"  When  I  could  no  longer  evade  his  importunity, 
I  remarked  to  him  as  follows  : — '  I  had  a  much  loved 
classmate  in  Yale  College,  by  the  name  of  Nathan 
Hale,  who  entered  the  army  in  the  year  1775.  Im 
mediately  after  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  General 
Washington  wanted  information  respecting  the 
strength,  position,  and  probable  movements  of  the 
enemy.  Captain  Hale  tendered  his  services,  went 
over  to  Brooklyn,  and  was  taken  prisoner,  just  as  he 
was  passing  the  outposts  of  the  enemy  on  his  return.' 

"  Said  I  with  emphasis,  '  Do  you  remember  the 
sequel  of  this  story  ?'  <  Yes,'  said  Andre,  '  he  was 
hanged  as  a  spy.  But  you  surely  do  not  consider  his 
case  and  mine  alike  ?'  I  replied,  '  Yes,  precisely 
similar,  and  similar  will  be  your  fate.' 

"  He  endeavoured  to  answer  my  remarks,  but  it 
was  manifest  he  was  more  troubled  in  spirit  than  I 
had  ever  before  seen  him. 

"  The  day  after  his  arrival  at  Tappan,  a  Board  of 
Officers,  of  six  Major- Generals  and  eight  Brigadier- 


46  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Generals,  were  appointed  to  examine  his  case.  Gen 
eral  Greene  was  the  President.  The  names  of  the 
officers  constituting  the  Board  were  read  to  him. 

"  General  Greene  told  the  prisoner  that  he  might 
be  at  liberty  to  answer  or  not  the  questions  put  to 
him,  and  to  take  his  owrn  time  for  recollecting  and 
weighing  what  he  said. 

"  He  was  asked,  if  when  he  came  on  shore,  he 
considered  himself  under  a  flag.  He  answered,  it 
was  impossible  for  him  to  suppose  he  came  on  shore, 
under  the  sanction  of  a  flag,  and  added,  that  if  he 
came  on  shore,  under  that  sanction,  he  certainly 
might  have  returned  under  it. 

"  During  his  examination,  he  was  dignified  and 
manly,  and  answered  with  frankness  and  truth  every 
thing  that  related  to  himself,  and  used  no  words  to 
explain  or  defend  any  part  of  his  conduct.  So  deli 
cate  was  he  in  regard  to  other  persons,  that  he 
scrupulously  avoided  mentioning  names,  or  alluding 
to  any  particulars,  except  such  as  concerned  himself. 

"  After  the  most  careful  examination  of  his  case, 
to  which  he  offered  no  defence,  he  was,  by  the  laws 
of  war,  sentenced  to  die  as  a  spy. 

"  His  fate  created  great  interest  and  sympathy, 
not  only  in  the  British,  but  in  the  American  army. 
On  both  sides,  the  desire  was  to  save  him.  But 
trying  as  it  was  to  the  feelings  of  General  Washing 
ton,  yet  justice  demanded  the  sacrifice. 

"  Efforts  were  made  to  save  him.  Captain  Ogden, 
an  American  officer,  was  sent  to  the  British  lines, 
under  a  flag  of  truce,  with  a  packet  of  letters  from 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  47 

General  Washington.  He  was  directed  to  obtain 
further  orders  from  General  La  Fajette.  The  Ge 
neral  told  him  to  arrange  his  visit  in  such  a  way,  as 
to  make  it  so  late  at  night  that  he  would  be  invited 
to  remain.  That  in  the  course  of  conversation,  it 
might  probably  be  asked,  by  the  officers,  if  there  was 
any  way  in  which  Andre  could  be  saved.  That  he 
should  reply,  yes,  that  there  was  a  way ;  which  was, 
if  Sir  Henry  Clinton  would  deliver  up  Arnold  and 
take  Andre  in  exchange,  the  prisoner  would  be  set 
at  liberty.  Captain  Ogden  was  asked  if  he  had 
authority  for  such  a  declaration.  He  replied,  *  I 
have  no  such  assurance  from  General  Washington, 
but  I  am  prepared  to  say,  that  if  such  a  proposition 
were  made,  I  believe  it  would  be  accepted,  and 
Major  Andre  set  at  liberty.' 

"  The  commanding  officer  immediately  went  to 
Sir  Henry  Clinton.  On  his  return,  he  told  Captain 
Ogden  that  such  a  thing  could  not  be  done  ;  that  to 
give  up  a  man,  who  had  deserted  from  the  enemy  and 
openly  espoused  the  King's  cause,  was  such  a  viola 
tion  of  honour  and  every  military  principle,  that  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  would  not  listen  to  the  idea  for  a  mo 
ment." 

Major  Andre  asked  of  General  Washington  the 
privilege  of  being  shot,  but  this  request  could  not  be 
granted,  according  to  the  strict  laws  of  war.  Ge 
neral  Washington  made  no  reply  to  his  application. 

Dr.  Thatcher,  in  his  Military  Journal,*  says  :  "  At 

*  Journal,  page  273. 


48  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  moment,  therefore,  when  suddenly  he  came  in 
view  of  the  gallows,  he  involuntarily  started  back 
ward  and  made  a  pause.  *  Why  this  emotion,  sir  ?' 
said  an  officer  by  his  side.  Instantly  recovering  his 
composure,  he  said,  *  I  am  reconciled  to  my  death, 
but  I  detest  the  mode.'  While  waiting  and  stand 
ing  near  the  gallows,  I  observed  some  degree  of 
trepidation  ;  placing  his  foot  on  a  stone,  and  rolling 
it  over,  and  choking  in  his  throat,  as  if  attempting  to 
swallow.  So  soon,  however,  as  he  perceived  things 
were  in  readiness,  he  stepped  quickly  into  the  wag 
on,  and  at  this  moment  he  appeared  to  shrink ;  but 
instantly  elevating  his  head,  with  firmness  he  said, 
'  It  will  be  but  a  momentary  pang ;'  and  taking  from 
his  pocket  two  white  handkerchiefs,  the  Provost 
Marshal  with  one  loosely  pinioned  his  arms,  and  with 
the  other  the  victim,  after  taking  off  his  hat  and  stock, 
bandaged  his  own  eyes,  with  perfect  firmness,  which 
melted  the  hearts  and  moistened  the  cheeks,  not  only 
of  his  servant,  but  of  the  throng  of  spectators.  The 
rope  being  appended  to  the  gallows,  he  slipped  the 
noose  over  his  head,  and  adjusted  it  to  his  neck,  with 
out  the  assistance  of  the  awkward  executioner.  Colo 
nel  Scammel  now  informed  him  that  he  had  an  oppor 
tunity  to  speak,  if  he  desired  it ;  he  raised  the  hand 
kerchief  from  his  eyes  and  said, « I  pray  you  to  bear 
me  witness,  that  I  meet  my  fate  like  a  braVe  man.' 
The  next  moment  life  was  extinguished." 

Major  Andre  is  described  as  being  possessed  of 
personal  attraction,  and  was  highly  accomplished.  A 
likeness  of  him  is  preserved,  taken  by  himself  with 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  49 

a  pen,  on  the  morning  of  his  execution,  while  seated 
at  a  table  in  the  guard-room.* 

A  parallel  has  been  drawn  by  historians  between 
Andre  and  Hale  ;  and  it  may  be  admitted,  without  a 
bias  in  favour  of  our  countryman,  that  Hale  was  in 
fluenced  by  nobler  and  purer  motives  than  Andre  : 
for  his  death  marked  the  Patriot  and  the  Christian. 

But  if  we  consider  how  different  were  their  early 
condition  in  life,  as  well  as  their  official  stations, 
we  would  find  abundant  cause  for  this  difference. 
Unhappily,  men  are  more  governed  in  their  conduct 
by  the  circumstances  in  which  they  are  placed,  than 
by  principle.  The  influence  which  surrounds  them 
involuntarily  becomes  an  element  in  action,  and  their 
motives  are  often  worldly  and  selfish  in  their  charac 
ter. 

Andre  and  Hale  both  possessed  a  high  sense  of 
moral  rectitude,  elevated  tastes,  and  pure  habits. 
Had  their  positions  in  life  been  changed,  we  are  not 
sure  but  that  Andre  might  have  exhibited  the  qual 
ities  of  Hale,  and  Hale  those  of  Andre.  The  coun 
try  of  Hale  was  poor  and  feeble,  contending  for  its 
rights,  under  circumstances  of  great  disadvantage, 
and  deep  depression.  Its  defenders  were  disciplined 
by  suffering,  and  rather  felt  for  her  than  themselves. 

Andre  belonged  to  the  most  powerful  nation  of 
the  earth  :  a  nation  whose  armies  were  victorious  in 
every  quarter  of  the  globe.  To  contend  for  her, 
was  to  contend  for  the  enlargement  of  her  borders 

*  The  original  drawing  is  now  in  the  Trumbull  Gallery  of  Yale  College. 

4 


50  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

and  the  increase  of  her  pride.     To  combat  for  suf 
fering  America,  was  to  combat  for  liberty,  for  home, 

for  virtue. 

Where  is  the  man  whose  feelings  and  opinions 
would  not  be  affected  by  such  a  discipline,  and  would 
not  in  the  hour  of  death  feel  more  for  his  country's 
interests  than  his  own  personal  reputation  ?  Andre 
said,  "  I  pray  you  to  bear  me  witness,  that  I  meet 
my  fate  like  a  brave  man."  The  words  of  Hale 
were,  "  I  only  lament,  that  I  have  but  one  life  to  lose 
for  my  country."  The  one,  in  the  event  of  success  ex 
pected  promotion  and  pecuniary  rewards ;  the  other, 
looked  only  for  the  unspeakable  happiness  of  having 
done  what  he  deemed  his  duty. 

Andre  engaged  in  the  enterprise  without  the 
thought  or  view  of  danger.  Protected  by  the 
power  and  influence  of  Arnold,  and  his  retreat  from 
our  shores  secured  by  a  British  armed  vessel  in  the 
river,  he  had  nothing  to  apprehend ;  while  animated 
by  the  prospect  of  almost  certain  success  in  viewing 
the  advantage  presented  by  the  defection  of  Arnold. 

On  the  contrary,  Hale  went  to  the  enemy's  lines 
in  the  very  spirit  of  self-devotion,  resolved  to  achieve 
his  work,  or  meet  death,  which  he  knew  was  the 
certain  alternative. 

In  the  solemn  hours  preceding  the  approach  of 
eternity,  Andre  sought  relief  in  intellectual  enjoy 
ments,  in  the  works  of  genius,  and  left  to  the  world 
a  drawing  of  his  own  person,  taken  in  his  guard 
room,  from  which  he  was  soon  to  pass  to  the  scaf 
fold.  He  asked  that  he  might  die  the  death  of  a 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  5J 

soldier,  and  not  by  the  hands  of  the  common  hang 
man. 

Hale  thought  not  of  the  mode  of  his  death.  He 
felt  like  the  virtuous  Raleigh ;  when  inquired  of  by 
the  executioner  which  way  he  should  lay  his  head, 
replied,  "No  matter,  so  that  the  heart  is  right." 

In  the  near  view  of  death,  Hale  sought  the  con 
solations  of  religion.  He  asked  for  a  Bible  and  a 
clergyman,  to  assist  him  in  his  preparation  for  the 
eternal  world.  Though  denied  them  both,  yet  we 
may  be  permitted  to  believe  that  the  wish  of  his 
heart  was  blessed,  and  that  the  Spirit  of  God  became 
his  Teacher. 

The  memory  of  Andre  is  enshrined  in  monu 
ments  of  art,  that  of  Hale  in  the  hearts  of  his  coun 
trymen. 


52  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER   IV. 

BATTLE  OF  CHATTERTOX  HILL,  AT  THE  WHITE  PLAINS. 

1776. 

THE  British  army  being  in  possession  of  New- 
York,  General  Washington  took  a  strong  position  on 
the  heights  about  Kingsbridge,  at  the  eastern  end 
of  the  island.  The  main  body  of  the  enemy  ad 
vanced  to  a  narrow  part  of  the  island,  near  his  posi 
tion,  their  right  extending  to  the  East  River,  and 
their  left  to  the  Hudson,  near  Bloomingdale.  Be 
tween  these  lines  partial  engagements  took  place, 
which  were  honourable  to  the  American  arms.  The 
gallant  manner  in  which  the  troops  of  Washington 
fought,  together  with  the  strength  of  his  position, 
were  undoubtedly  among  the  reasons  which  prevent 
ed  the  British  Commander  from  hazarding  a  general 
action.  Even  if  Washington  had  been  beaten  on 
this  ground,  he  had  two  lines  of  defence  across  the 
Island,  and  a  very  strong  position  at  Kingsbridge, 
which  would  have  enabled  him  to  have  retreated 
with  safety,  and  preserved  his  communication  with 
his  country. 

Under  these  circumstances,  General  Howe  made 
a  movement,  the  object  of  which  was  to  compel 
General  Washington  to  abandon  his  position  on 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  53 

York  Island  and  at  Kingsbridge,  or  suffer  his  commu 
nication  to  be  entirely  obstructed.  For  this  purpose 
he  embarked  his  army  on  the  East  River,  in  flat-bot 
tomed  boats,  passed  Hellgate,  and  landed  on  Frog 
or  Throg's  Neck,  a  suitable  point  from  which  to  march 
his  army  across  the  country,  attain  the  rear  of  the 
Americans,  and  communicate  with  a  part  of  the 
British  fleet  in  the"  Hudson,  which  had  passed  forts 
Washington  and  Lee,  notwithstanding  their  fire  and 
the  obstructions  placed  in  the  river  to  oppose  their 
passage. 

The  American  Commander  perceiving  the  object 
of  this  movement,  determined,  though  with  reluc 
tance,  to  abandon  his  position  on  York  Island,  and 
march  the  left  of  his  army  to  the  White  Plains  ;  the 
right  extending  in  the  first  instance  to  Kingsbridge. 

It  was  soon  apparent  that  General  Howe  was 
concentrating  his  whole  army  at  Frog's  Neck  and  its 
vicinity,  excepting  a  small  body  left  in  New- York  for 
its  defence.  Washington  therefore  moved  his  right 
division  from  Kingsbridge  to  the  White  Plains. 

So  anxious  was  he,  however,  to  retain  a  footing 
on  York  Island,  especially  for  the  purpose  of  obstruct 
ing  the  navigation  of  the  Hudson,  that  he  left  a  gar 
rison  of  between  two  and  three  thousand  men  at 
Fort  Washington,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
McGaw,  of  Pennsylvania. 

While  the  American  General  was  marching  the 
right  wing  of  his  army  from  Kingsbridge  to  the 
White  Plains,  General  Howe  commenced  his  march 
from  Frog's  Neck  towards  the  same  point.  On  the 


54  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

march,  the  left  wing  of  the  British  and  the  right  wing 
of  the  American  army  were  very  near  each  other. 

When  the  left  wing,  under  the  command  of 
Major-General  Charles  Lee,  arrived  at  the  White 
Plains,  General  McDougal's  brigade  was  directed  to 
take  possession  of  Chatterton's  Hill,  about  a  mile  in 
advance  of  the  White  Plains,  on  the  right  of  the 
American  army.  The  river  Brunx  ran  in  the  low 
grounds,  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and  about  one  hun 
dred  yards  in  front  of  McDougal's  brigade. 

Colonel  Webb's  regiment,  in  which  was  Captain 
Hull's  company,  belonged  to  this  brigade,  which  con 
sisted  of  about  fifteen  hundred  men. 

"  Early  in  the  morning,"  says  General  Hull  in 
his  MSS.,  "  having  taken  our  position,  we  discovered 
at  a  distance  the  approach  of  the  British  army.  Its 
appearance  was  truly  magnificent.  A  bright  autum 
nal  sun  shed  its  full  lustre  on  their  polished  arms  ; 
and  the  rich  array  of  dress  and  military  equipage, 
gave  an  imposing  grandeur  to  the  scene,  as  they  ad 
vanced,  in  all  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war,  to 
give  us  battle. 

"  Wlien  the  columns  arrived  within  a  small  dis 
tance  of  our  line,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Brunx, 
they  halted ;  their  field  artillery  was  advanced,  with 
which  they  commenced  a  heavy  fire.  We  had  but 
three  or  four  pieces  of  artillery. 

"  They  returned  the  fire,  until  the  whole  of  them 
were  dismounted.  The  enemy  then  made  a  nearer 
approach,  and  with  chain  and  grape  shot,  continued 
the  cannonade  for  more  than  an  hour. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  55 

"  General  Howe,  finding  that  he  could  not  dis 
lodge  us  from  the  hill  with  his  artillery,  formed  three 
columns  of  infantry,  which  passed  the  Brunx,  one 
against  our  centre,  and  the  other  two  against  each 
flank. 

"  At  this  moment  Colonel  Webb  received  orders 
from  General  McDougal  to  move  and  take  a  posi 
tion  further  to  the  left,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from 
turning  his  left  flank.  This  was  promptly  done,  and 
with  much  order  and  regularity.  After  a  sharp  con 
flict,  the  object  was  completely  attained.  Our  whole 
line  sustained  the  attack  with  persevering  bravery, 
for  a  considerable  time,  but  at  length,  overpowered 
by  numbers,  the  right  and  the  centre  first  retreated 
in  some  disorder.  Colonel  Webb's  regiment  main 
tained  the  conflict  for  a  time,  after  the  other  part  of 
the  brigade  had  abandoned  the  field,  and  it  had  the 
honour  to  receive  the  particular  thanks  of  Washing 
ton  for  its  bravery  and  orderly  retreat."* 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  killed,  wounded, 


*  Extract  from  a  letter  of  General  Plains,  General  Hull  acted  under  my 

Brooks,  to  the  President  of  the  Court  immediate  orders,  and  was  detached 

Martial,  held  at  Albany,  for  the  trial  from  the  line,  to  oppose  a  body  of 

of  General  Hull,  dated  February  4th,  Light  Infantry  and  Yagers,  advanc- 

1814,  touching  the  battle  at  the  ing  upon  the  left  flank  of  the  Amer- 

White  Plains.  It  will  be  perceived,  ican  army.  .His  orders  were  exe- 

that  General  Hull  does  not  mention  cuted  with  promptitude,  gallantry, 

the  fact,  that  he  was  the  officer  de-  and  effect.  Though  more  than 

tached  from  the  line  by  his  Com-  double  his  number,  the  enemy  was 

mander,  to  oppose  the  enemy  on  compelled  to  retreat,  and  the  left  of 

the  left.  the  American  line  thus  enabled,  by 

General  Brooks  says,  "  In  the  a  flank  movement,  to  pass  the 

month  of  September,  1776,  at  White  Brunx." 


56  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

and  prisoners,  was  about  two  hundred  and  fifty.  The 
British  loss  nearly  the  same. 

General  Howe  did  not  pursue  the  advantage  he 
had  gained.  A  general  action  was  expected  the  next 
morning,  but  a  violent  storm  of  rain  was  probably 
the  cause  which  prevented  it.  When  the  storm 
ceased,  General  Howe  changed  his  mode  of  opera 
tions,  and  made  a  retrograde  movement  to  Kings- 
bridge,  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  the  garrison  at 
Fort  Washington,  on  Long  Island. 

The  historians  of  the  Revolution  give  an  account 
of  the  reduction  of  this  fortress,  and  the  retreat  of 
General  Washington  in  November  and  December, 
through  New  Jersey,  and  over  the  Delaware.  Cap 
tain  Hull  was  not  a  witness  of  these  events.  The 
MSS.  continues : 

"  Our  regiment  formed  a  part  of  the  division  un 
der  Charles  Lee,  and  was  stationed  in  the  Highlands, 
on  the  Hudson. 

"  General  Lee  was  ordered  to  march  through  the 

o 

upper  parts  of  New  Jersey,  and  join,  as  speedily  as 
possible,  the  army  of  Washington.  During  the 
march,  at  a  halt  in  Morris  county,  he  went  one  night 
to  lodge  at  a  farm-house,  three  miles  distant  from  the 
camp.  The  British,  by  some  means,  obtained  infor 
mation  of  this  step,  and  Colonel  Harcourt,  with  a  body 
of  cavalry,  made  a  forced  march  in  the  night,  and 
early  in  the  morning  surrounded  the  house.  The 
troops  fired  into  the  windows,  and  General  Lee  was 
made  prisoner,  before  he  suspected  that  an  enemy 
was  near. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  57 

"  They  mounted  him  on  a  horse  in  great  haste, 
without  cloak  or  hat,  and  carried  him  in  triumph  to 
New- York.  It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  excite 
ment  produced  by  this  event. 

"  General  Lee  was  second  to  Washington  in 
command.  He  had  held  a  high  rank  in  the  British 
army,  and  had  seen  much  military  service.  The 
country  deplored  his  loss.  Washington  felt  it  to  be  a 
severe  misfortune,  and  the  army  considered  that,  next 
to  Washington,  Lee  was  the  sinew  and  soul  of  their 
strength. 

"  General  Sullivan,  of  New  Hampshire,  was  the 
next  officer  of  rank  in  the  division.  He  marched  it 
with  great  rapidity  to  the  Delaware,  and  about  the 
20th  of  December  joined  the  main  army  in  Pennsyl 
vania.  Here  we  remained  inactive  but  a  few  days. 
General  Washington  deemed  it  necessary  to  make 
some  bold  effort  to  rouse  the  desponding  spirit  of  the 
country,  which  at  this  period  had  sunk  into  the  deep 
est  gloom." 

Although  the  enemy  had  abandoned  for  the  pre 
sent,  the  idea  of  proceeding  to  Philadelphia,  on 
account  of  the  severity  of  the  season,  and  the  diffi 
culty  of  passing  the  Delaware,  yet  Rhode  Island  and 
New- York  were  in  their  possession  ;  a  great  part 
of  New  Jersey  was  conquered,  and  a  spirit  of  disaf 
fection  prevailed  in  Pennsylvania.  The  patriotic 
feelings  that  pervaded  every  part  of  the  country  at 
the  commencement  of  the  contest,  appeared  now  to 
be  nearly  extinguished. 


58  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER    V. 

BATTLE  OF  TRENTON. — CAPTAIN  HULL  ACTS  AS  FIELD  OFFICER  IN  THE  AB 
SENCE  OF  MAJOR  BROOKS. 

1776. 

GENERAL  WASHINGTON  having  been  reinforced  by 
the  division  under  General  Sullivan,  and  by  a  part  of 
the  northern  army  which  had  served  under  General 
Gates,  formed  the  bold  design  of  passing  the  Dela 
ware,  and  attacking  the  different  posts  of  the  enemy 
on  its  eastern  shore.  At  Trenton  there  were  sta 
tioned  three  regiments  of  Hessians,  consisting  of  fif 
teen  hundred  men,  besides  a  troop  of  light-horse. 

Other  detachments  were  at  Burlington,  Borderi- 
town,  Mount  Holly,  and  Black  Horse.  General  Cad- 
wallader  was  appointed  to  attack  these  posts,  and 
directed  to  cross  the  river  at  Bristol,  while  Washing 
ton  would  cross  above  Trenton,  and  General  Ewing 
below,  and  unite  in  the  attack  on  the  Hessians  in 
that  place. 

Early  in  the  evening  of  the  twenty-fifth  of  De 
cember,  the  troops  were  put  in  motion,  and  com 
menced  crossing  the  river.  The  army  consisted  of 
two  thousand  four  hundred  men,  and  twenty  pieces 
of  artillery. 

It  crossed  the  Delaware  about  ten  miles  above 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  f 

Trenton.  The  evening  set  in  with  a  violent  storm 
of  hail  and  snow,  which  continued  during  the  night. 
The  weather  was  intensely  cold,  and  the  ice  floated 
down  the  river  in  such  quantities,  that  the  passage 
of  the  troops  was  not  completed  until  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning.  They  were  then  formed  into  two 
columns.  The  right  marched  on  a  road  near  the 
river,  under  General  Sullivan  ;  and  the  left  on  a  road 
a  little  distant  from  it,  towards  the  east.  Both  of 
these  roads  entered  the  town  of  Trenton,  and  the 
distance  to  be  marched  was  about  the  same.  Gen 
eral  Greene  led  on  the  other  column,  but  Washing 
ton  commanded  in  person.  Colonel  Webb's  regi 
ment  formed  a  part  of  it.  At  daylight  the  columns 
halted,  but  the  men  were  not  permitted  to  leave  their 
ranks.  During  the  halt,  Captain  Hull  was  sent  for 
by  his  Commander,  who  informed  him,  that  his  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  was  absent,  and  that  Major  Brooks, 
overcome  with  fatigue,  had  returned  to  the  encamp 
ment  ;  that  he  had  no  field  officer  with  him,  and 
desired  Captain  Hull  to  give  the  command  of  his 
company  to  his  Lieutenant,  and  assist  him  as  a  field 
officer  in  the  general  command  of  the  regiment. 
This  order  was  promptly  obeyed. 

When  the  columns  were  ordered  to  resume  the 
march,  the  fatigue  of  the  troops  was  so  great  that 
nearly  one  half  of  the  men  were  asleep,  and  those 
awake  passed  by,  leaving  them  standing  on  their 
posts.  It  was  with  difficulty  they  could  be  roused 
and  the  order  of  march  resumed.  According  to  the 
plan,  both  columns  arrived  at  the  point  of  attack  with- 


60  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

in  a  few  minutes  of  each  other.  Notwithstanding 
the  severity  of  the  weather,  the  elements  raging 
around  us,  the  moment  the  firing  commenced  by 
the  outguards  of  our  columns,  and  the  outguards 
of  the  enemy,  the  whole  corps  was  animated 
with  new  spirit,  and  advanced  with  a  firmness 
and  impetuosity,  which  bore  a  striking  contrast 
to  the  drowsy  attitudes  they  exhibited  a  few  mo 
ments  before.  The  firing  of  the  advanced  parties 
having  given  the  alarm  to  the  enemy,  the  command 
ing  officer,  Colonel  Rhal,  immediately  prepared  for 
battle.  He  formed  his  line  on  ground,  then  an 
orchard,  on  the  right  of  the  road  leading  to  Phila 
delphia,  and  facing  to  the  northwest. 

The  column  led  on  by  General  Washington 
pressed  with  such  irresistible  force  on  the  right  arid 
centre  of  the  enemy,  while  the  column  on  the  left 
acted  with  equal  spirit,  that  the  British  force,  after 
a  short  struggle,  was  compelled  to  surrender.  Some 
of  the  British  attempted  to  retreat  on  the  Princeton 
road,  but  were  prevented  by  a  detachment  from  our 
left  column.  In  a  short  time,  nearly  the  whole  body 
were  either  killed,  wounded,  or  taken  prisoners  ;  and 
all  their  artillery,  magazines,  and  military  stores,  were 
in  our  possession. 

A  small  part  of  the  enemy  retreated  to  Borden- 
town  and  Burlington,  which  they  could  not  have 
done  had  it  been  possible  for  the  detachment  under 
Ewing  and  Cadwallader  to  have  crossed  the  Dela 
ware,  below  Trenton,  and  at  Burlington  above,  as 
was  the  intention.  Among  the  killed  was  the  com- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  Q\ 

manding  officer,  Colonel  Rhal,  a  truly  brave  man, 
and  nearly  one  thousand  officers  and.  soldiers  were 
made  prisoners. 

General  Washington,  with  all  possible  speed,  com 
menced  his  march  back  to  the  same  ferry  where  he 
had  crossed  the  Delaware,  taking  his  prisoners,  can 
non,  arms,  and  military  stores. 

It  occupied  a  part  of  the  second  night  to  recross 
the  river,  so  great  were  the  difficulties,  increased 
by  the  accumulation  of  ice.  The  operation  was 
not  completed  until  three  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
"  Six  brass  field-pieces  and  a  thousand  stand  of 
arms,  were  the  trophies  of  victory.  Colonel  Rhal, 
the  Hessian  commander  and  a  gallant  officer,  was 
mortally  wounded.  Six  other  officers  and  between 
twenty  and  thirty  men  were  killed.  The  American 
loss  was  two  privates  killed  and  two  others  frozen 
to  death.  Captain  William  Washington,  distinguished 
as  an  officer  of  cavalry  at  a  later  period  of  the  war, 
and  Lieutenant  Monroe,  afterwards  President  of  the 
United  States,  were  wounded  in  a  brave  and  success 
ful  assault  upon  the  enemy's  artillery.  The  fact  that 
two  men  died  by  suffering  from  cold,  is  a  proof  of  the 
intense  severity  of  the  weather.  It  snowed  and 
hailed  during  the  whole  march.  The  ice  had  formed 
so  fast  in  the  river,  below  Trenton,  that  it  was  im 
practicable  for  the  troops  under  Cadwallader  and 
Ewing  to  pass  over  at  the  times  agreed  upon.  Cad 
wallader  succeeded  in  landing  a  battalion  of  infant 
ry,  but  the  ice  on  the  margin  of  the  stream  was  in 
such  a  condition,  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  land 


Q<%  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  artillery,  and  they  all  returned.  If  Ewing  had 
crossed,  as  was  proposed,  and  taken  possession  of 
the  bridge  on  the  south  side  of  the  town,  the  party 
that  fled  would  have  been  intercepted  and  captured. 
And  there  was  the  fairest  prospect  that  Cadwallader 
would  have  been  equally  fortunate  against  the 
detachment  below,  or  have  driven  them  towards 
Trenton,  where  they  would  have  met  a  victorious 
army."* 

Captain  Hull  writes :  "  To  give  you  some  idea  of 
the  excessive  fatigue  of  the  troops  engaged  in  this 
enterprise,  I  relate  the  following  anecdote  respecting 
myself.  It  was  between  two  and  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning  of  the  second  night,  when  my  company 
recrossed  the  Delaware.  I  marched  them  to  the 
house  of  a  farmer,  and  halted  to  obtain  refreshments 
and  rest.  After  my  men  were  accommodated,  I  went 
into  a  room  where  a  number  of  officers  were  sitting 
around  a  table,  with  a  large  dish  of  «  hasty  pudding3 
in  its  centre.  1  sat  down,  procured  a  spoon,  and  be 
gan  to  eat.  While  eating,  I  fell  from  my  chair  to  the 
floor,  overcome  with  sleep,  and  in  the  morning,  when 
I  awoke,  the  spoon  was  fast  clenched  in  my  hand." 

*  Sparks'  Life  and  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  I.,  page  228. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

CRITICAL  STATE  OF  THE  COUNTRY. — WASHINGTON'S  EFFORTS  TO  PREVENT  THE 

TROOPS  FROM  RETURNING  TO  THEIR  HOMES. — PROMOTION  OF  CAPTAIN  HULL. 

BATTLE  OF  PRINCETON. 

1777. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  success  which  attended 
our  arms  at  Trenton,  the  situation  of  the  army  and 
country  was  extremely  critical. 

The  time  for  which  the  best  troops  from  the  north 
ward  had  engaged,  would  expire  in  a  few  days.  The 
recruiting  service  in  every  part  of  the  country  was 
attended  with  little  success.  It  was  with  great  dif 
ficulty  that  the  militia  could  be  called  into  active  ser 
vice,  and  a  spirit  of  despondency  every  where  prevail 
ed.  There  was  no  period  of  the  war  more  gloomy  and 
discouraging  than  the  close  of  the  year  1776.  Had 
General  Washington  now  retreated  into  winter  quar 
ters,  the  whole  of  New  Jersey  would  have  remained 
in  possession  of  the  enemy  ;  and  as  soon  as  the  ice 
had  formed  on  the  Delaware,  the  British  would  have 
marched  to  Philadelphia  without  opposition.  The 
state  of  the  army  and  the  circumstances  of  the  coun 
try  required  bold  and  decisive  measures. 

Of  this  Washington  was  sensible.  After  recruit 
ing  his  army  for  two  or  three  days,  he  recrossed  the 


£4  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

river  to  Trenton.  The  British  garrison  below,  at 
Bordentown  and  Burlington,  after  our  victory  at 
Trenton,  had  retreated  to  Princeton  and  Brunswick, 
and  Generals  Ewing  and  Cadwallader  had  recrossed 
the  Delaware  with  the  militia  under  their  command, 
and  taken  possession  of  the  posts  vacated  by  the 
enemy. 

The  year  was  drawing  to  a  close,  and  the  most 
effective  part  of  the  army,  in  a  few  days,  would  be 
entitled  to  a  discharge.  At  this  critical  moment 
Washington  received  information  that  a  part  of  the 
British  army,  under  Lord  Cornwallis,  was  advancing 
from  New-York  to  retrieve  the  misfortunes  which 
had  attended  their  arms  at  Trenton.  General  Wash 
ington  immediately  ordered  the  troops  from  the  High 
lands  into  New  Jersey,  with  all  the  militia  that  could 
be  collected,  to  press  upon  the  rear  and  right  of  Lord 
Cornwallis's  division,  to  retard  their  movements  as 
much  as  possible.  He  likewise  ordered  the  militia 
from  Burlington  and  Bordentown  to  join  him  at 
Trenton. 

Washington  made  a  solemn  appeal  to  that  part 
of  his  army  whose  term  of  service  was  now  expiring. 
He  spoke  of  the  fidelity  with  which  they  had  served, 
and  acknowledged  their  just  right  to  a  discharge.  He 
begged  them,  however,  to  consider  what  would  be  the 
situation  of  the  country,  if  they  availed  themselves  of 
that  right.  He  reminded  them  of  their  gallant  con 
duct  a  few  days  before,  on  the  very  ground  on  which 
they  were  then  standing  ;  how  honourable  it  had  been 
to  them,  how  advantageous  to  their  country,  and  how 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  (35 

mortifying  to  the  enemy.  That  if  they  now  returned 
to  their  homes,  all  the  advantages  gained  by  us  would 
be  lost,  and  there  would  be  no  army  to  oppose  the 
progress  of  the  enemy,  wherever  he  was  inclined  to 
march ;  and  asked  them  to  consider  what  would  be 
his  situation  under  circumstances  like  these.  He 
then  urged  them  to  engage  for  six  weeks,  and  as  an 
inducement,  offered  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars. 

Captain  Hull  communicated  the  proposition  of 
the  Commander-in-chief  to  his  company,  and  used 
every  argument  in  his  power,  in  addition  to  what  his 
General  had  urged,  to  induce  them  to  comply.  He 
was  happy  to  return  every  man  of  them  for  the  next 
six  weeks.  A  large  proportion  of  the  army  complied 
with  the  wishes  of  their  Commander. 

The  state  of  the  country  had  now  become  so  dis 
tressing,  and  the  dangers  impending  so  alarming,  that 
Congress  confided  to  General  Washington  extraordi 
nary  powers,  in  relation  to  appointments  in  the  army, 
requisitions  on  the  State  for  militia,  and  resources  for 
their  support,  but  limiting  these  powers  to  the  period 
of  six  months. 

The  day  before  the  army  marched  from  Trenton 
to  Princeton,  Captain  Hull  was  informed  that  the 
Commander-in-chief  wished  to  see  him  at  head-quar 
ters.  He  was  introduced  to  General  Washington, 
who  observed  to  him  that  he  understood  that  he  was 
a  Captain  in  the  Connecticut  line  ;  that  there  was  no 
vacancy  in  that  line,  but  there  was  a  vacancy  in  the 
Massachusetts  line ;  that  if  Captain  Hull  was  willing 
5 


66  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

to  be  transferred  to  another  regiment,  he  was  autho 
rized  arid  disposed  to  give  him  promotion. 

Captain  Hull  expressed  his  grateful  feelings, 
and  replied,  "  I  am  a  soldier  for  my  country,  and  it 
is  immaterial  in  what  particular  line  of  the  army 
I  serve."  Shortly  after  he  received  a  commis 
sion  as  a  Major  in  the  eighth  Massachusetts  regi 
ment. 

About  the  first  of  January,  Lord  Cornwallis  ad 
vanced  from  Princeton.  General  Washington  directed 
a  small  body  of  troops  to  observe  his  motions,  and 
by  skirmishing  with  his  advanced  parties,  to  impede 
his  progress. 

On  this  service  Captain  (now  Major)  Hull  was 
ordered.  The  Americans  met  the  guard  of  the 
British  about  three  miles  from  Trenton,  and  skir 
mished  with  light  parties  of  them,  retreating  at  the 
same  time  towards  the  town.  This  continued  during 
the  afternoon,  until  the  main  body  of  the  enemy 
reached  Trenton,  a  little  before  sunset. 

Unimportant  as  this  skirmishing  may  appear  to 
one  who  knew  not  the  secret  design  of  Washington, 
yet  it  had  a  strong  bearing  on  the  future  success  of 
the  American  arms.  His  plan  was  well  matured, 
and  to  retard  the  approach  of  the  British  until  night 
was  necessary  to  its  execution.  It  was  this  delay 
which  led  to  his  escape  from  Lord  Cornwallis  at 
Trenton,  and  his  subsequent  victory  at  Princeton. 

On  the  approach  of  the  enemy  General  Wash 
ington  retired  over  the  Assanpink,  a  creek  which 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  §7 

runs  through  the  southern  part  of  Trenton,  and  emp 
ties  into  the  Delaware.  Here  he  formed,  with  the 
creek  in  his  front,  his  left  extending  to  the  Delaware, 
and  his  right  as  far  on  the  creek  as  his  numbers 
would  admit. 

Lord  Cornwallis  was  on  the  other  side  of  the 
creek,  his  right  extending  to  the  Delaware  and  his 
left  towards  Maidenhead. 

The  American  force,  including  militia,  did  not 
exceed  five  thousand  men.  The  British  were  double 
the  number.  They  commenced  a  cannonade,  which 
was  briskly  returned,  until  darkness  put  an  end  to 
the  contest.  Both  armies  were  without  tents,  and 
kindled  fires  for  the  night.  The  sentinels  were  sta 
tioned  on  the  borders  of  the  creek,  and  could  hear 
each  other's  heavy  tread,  as  they  moved  up  and 
down  its  banks.  The  Delaware  was  so  full  of  ice 
that  a  retreat  seemed  impossible.  Lord  Cornwallis 
expected,  by  a  general  action  the  following  morning, 
to  destroy  this  remnant  of  the  American  army. 

Here,  amidst  a  choice  of  difficulties,  Washington, 
with  consummate  foresight,  adopted  an  expedient 
which  not  only  saved  his  army,  but  added  fresh  lau 
rels  to  it.  New  Jersey  was  relieved  from  the  pre 
sence  of  the  enemy,  and  Philadelphia  freed  from  the 
danger  with  which  it  was  threatened. 

In  the  middle  of  the  night  Washington  ordered 
his  fires  to  be  re-kindled  ;  "  fires  which  were  a  light 
to  the  Americans,  but  darkness  to  the  British  ;"  the 
outguards  to  remain  on  their  posts,  and  men  to  dig  so 
near  the  enemy's  line,  that  the  turning  up  of  the 


68  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

earth  could  be  distinctly  heard  by  their  sentinels.  He 
then  silently  drew  off  his  army  to  the  right,  and  made 
a  circuitous  march  to  Princeton.  On  approaching 
the  town  between  daylight  and  sunrise,  we  met  two 
British  regiments,  which  had  commenced  their  march, 
to  join  CornwaJlis  at  Trenton.  An  action  imme 
diately  commenced  with  these  regiments,  by  the  van 
guard  of  our  column,  in  which  the  enemy  at  first  had 
the  advantage  ;  but,  on  the  arrival  of  General  Wash 
ington,  with  a  superior  force,  they  were  dispersed, 
one  part  towards  Trenton,  the  other  towards  Bruns 
wick.  A  third  regiment,  near  the  Colleges,  had 
formed ;  it  was  immediately  attacked,  and  the  rem 
nant  of  it,  after  much  loss,  retreated  to  Brunswick. 
About  one  hundred  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  and 
three  hundred  made  prisoners. 

Lord  Cornwallis  had  no  knowledge  of  this  move 
ment,  until  it  was  announced  to  him  by  the  firing  at 
Princeton.  It  was  doubtful  what  course  he  would 
pursue.  The  possession  of  Philadelphia,  the  capital 
of  America,  had  seemed  a  favorite  object.  Now  that 
the  road  was  open,  he  was  not  disposed  to  avail  himself 
of  the  occasion  to  gain  that  point,  but  immediately 
commenced  a  rapid  march,  to  attack  us  at  Princeton. 

As  soon  as  General  Washington  had  collected  the 

o 

prisoners,  he  advanced  about  three  miles  on  the  road 
leading  to  Brunswick,  and  after  passing  Millstone 
Creek,  filed  off  to  the  left,  and  directed  his  march  to 
Morristown,  where  he  established  his  winter  quar 
ters. 

Lord  Cornwallis,  supposing  that  Washington  had 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  £9 

gone  in  the  direction  of  Brunswick,  and  anxious  for 
the  fate  of  the  garrison,  as  well  as  for  the  protection 
of  a  large  sum  of  money  deposited  there,  pushed  di 
rectly  to  that  place. 

During  these  operations,  in  the  midst  of  winter, 
our  army  was  destitute  of  the  necessary  articles  of 
clothing.  This  circumstance,  and  the  extreme  fa 
tigue  it  had  endured,  prevented  General  Washington 
from  proceeding  to  Brunswick,  where  in  all  probabi 
lity  he  would  have  gained  another  complete  victory.* 

It  was  the  fortune  of  Major  Hull  to  be  in  the  se 
verest  parts  of  the  memorable  battles  of  Trenton 
and  Princeton.  The  classical  and  eloquent  Italian 
historian  of  the  war,  Charles  Botta,  after  describing 
these  transactions,  adds  :  "  Achievements  so  aston 
ishing,  acquired  an  immense  glory  for  the  Captain 
General  of  the  United  States.  All  nations  shared 
in  the  surprise  of  the  Americans  ;  all  equally  admired 
and  applauded  the  prudence,  the  constancy,  and  the 
noble  intrepidity  of  General  Washington.  An 
unanimous  voice  pronounced  him  the  saviour  of  his 
country :  all  extolled  him  as  equal  to  the  most  cele 
brated  commanders  of  antiquity  ;  all  proclaimed  him 
the  Fabius  of  America.  His  name  was  in  the  mouth 
of  all ;  he  was  celebrated  by  the  pens  of  the  most 
distinguished  writers.  The  most  illustrious  person 
ages  of  Europe  lavished  upon  him  their  praises  and 
their  congratulations.  The  American  General  there- 

o 

fore,  wanted  neither  a  cause  to  defend,  nor  occasion 

*  See  Appendix  No.  I. — Colonel      Simcoe,   respecting  Washington's 
Hull's  conversation  with  Governor      escape  from  Cornwallis  at  Trenton. 


7Q  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

for  the  acquisition  of  glory,  nor  genius  to  avail  him 
self  of  it,  nor  the  renown  due  to  his  triumphs,  nor  an 
entire  generation  of  men  perfectly  well  disposed  to 
render  him  homage."* 

In  a  former  chapter,  the  reader  was  informed  that 
the  regiment  of  Colonel  Webb  left  the  Highlands, 
under  the  command  of  General  Lee,  to  reinforce  the 
army  of  Washington  in  Pennsylvania.  The  march 
commenced  about  the  beginning  of  December.  Ma 
jor  Hull  writes  : 

"  In  recounting  the  hardships  and  fatigue  which 
my  company  encountered,  and  the  patience  and  for 
titude  with  which  they  endured  them,  you  will  have 
a  representation  of  the  situation  and  conduct  of  the 
whole  American  army  at  that  time.  I  relate  nothing 
but  what  I  was  in  the  best  possible  situation  to 
know,  and  what  I  personally  witnessed. 

"  When  we  left  the  Highlands,  my  company  con 
sisted  of  about  fifty,  rank  and  file.  On  examining 
the  state  of  the  clothing,  I  found  there  was  not  more 
than  one  poor  blanket  to  two  men  :  many  of  them 
had  neither  shoes  nor  stockings  ;  and  those  who  had, 
found  them  nearly  worn  out.  All  the  clothing  was 
of  the  same  wretched  description. 

"  These  troops  had  been  almost  a  year  in  service, 
and  their  pay  which  was  due,  remained  unpaid.  Yet 
their  privations  and  trials  were  only  equalled  by  their 
patience.  They  knew  the  resources  of  their  country 
did  not  admit  of  their  being  more  comfortable ;  yet? 

*  Otis's  Botta,  Vol.  II.,  page  227. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  7| 

in  a  noble  spirit  of  patriotism,  they  served  her  in 
her  greatest  need  without  compensation,  and  almost 
without  the  hope  of  more  prosperous  days. 

"  In  this  condition,  during  the  inclement  month 
of  December,  we  marched  through  New  Jersey,  slept 
on  the  cold  ground,  until  we  joined  the  army  of 
General  Washington  in  Pennsylvania.  Here  we 
remained  a  few  days,  but  found  no  relief  from  our 
sufferings,  unless  it  was  relief  to  join  companions  in 
similar  distress. 

"  In  the  attacks  at  Trenton  and  Princeton  we  were 
in  this  destitute  situation,  and  continued  to  sleep  on 
the  frozen  ground,  without  covering,  until  the  seventh 
of  January,  when  we  arrived  at  Morristown,  New 
Jersey,  where  General  Washington  established  his 
winter  quarters.  The  patient  endurance  of  the  army 
at  this  period,  is  perhaps  unexampled  in  this  or  any 
other  country." 


72  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER   VII. 

RETREAT  OF  GENERAL  ST.  CLAIR  FROM  TICONDEROGA. 

1777. 

WHEN  the  army  was  established  in  winter  quar 
ters  in  New  Jersey,  Major  Hull  was  ordered  to  re 
pair  to  Boston  and  assist  in  recruiting  the  eighth 
Massachusetts  regiment.  Michael  Jackson,  Esquire, 
was  the  Colonel  of  the  regiment,  and  John  Brooks, 
Esquire,  afterwards  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  was 
the  Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Colonel  Jackson  had  not  recovered  from  his 
wounds,  received  at  Montressor's  Island,  near  New- 
York,  in  the  second  year  of  the  war,  and  was  unable 
to  perform  duty.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Brooks  had 
been  active  in  recruiting  the  regiment,  and  several 
companies  had  been  sent  to  rendezvous  at  Springfield, 
on  Connecticut  River.  Major  Hull  was  ordered  to 
that  place,  to  take  the  command  of  them,  and  attend 
to  their  discipline.  Here  he  remained  until  the 
month  of  April,  when  about  three  hundred  men  had 
been  recruited,  and  he  was  directed  to  march  them 
to  Ticonderoga,  to  reinforce  the  army  at  that  station, 
under  the  command  of  Major-General  St.  Clair. 
Major  Hull  arrived  early  in  May  at  Ticonderoga. 
His  troops  were  posted  at  the  old  French  lines,  and 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  73 

were  employed  in  strengthening  tjie  works,  until  the 
latter  part  of  June,  when  General  Burgoyne  ap 
proached  with  his  army  from  Canada,  and  commenc 
ed  an  investment  of  the  place. 

Ticonderoga  is  a  neck  of  land,  situated  on  the 
west  side  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  surrounded  on  all 
sides  by  water,  excepting  where  the  French  lines 
were  established.  Mount  Independence  is  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  lake,  opposite  to  Ticonderoga. 
The  two  posts  were  connected  by  a  bridge.  Mount 
Independence  was  fortified,  and  a  part  of  St.  Glair's 
army  stationed  there  for  its  defence.  The  Americans 
had  no  naval  force  on  the  lake.  The  British  army 
came  up  in  boats,  and  several  armed  vessels.  It  had 
been  joined  by  a  great  number  of  savages. 

General  Burgoyne  commenced  operations  by 
landing  his  forces  on  both  sides  of  the  lake,  about 
three  miles  above  Ticonderoga.  His  right  wing  took 
possession  of  Mount  Hope.  This  was  an  eminence  in 
front  of  the  French  lines,  and  extended  to  the  outlet 
of  Lake  George. 

His  taking  this  position,  entirely  cut  off  our  com 
munication  with  Lake  George,  and  completely  in 
vested  Ticonderoga  on  the  west  side. 

The  Germans,  under  the  command  of  General 
Reidesel,  landed  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake,  about 
three  miles  from  Mount  Independence ;  they  com 
menced  cutting  a  road  and  advancing  to  a  position,  so 
as  to  form  an  investment  of  that  place. 

The  armed  vessels  took  a  station  across  the  lake, 
a  small  distance  from  Ticonderoga.  On  the  south 


74  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

of  the  fort  is  a  hill,  called  Sugar-loaf  Hill,  which  over 
looks  both  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence, 
and  withia  point  blank  shot  of  both  of  these  places. 

Between  this  hill  andTiconderoga,  is  a  narrow  bay, 
into  which  is  the  outlet,  running  from  Lake  George. 

General  St.  Clair  frequently  spoke  of  the  import 
ance  of  fortifying  this  hill ;  but  remarked,  that  it 
would  be  improper  to  do  so,  until  the  garrison  was 
reinforced  ;  for  he  had  not  at  that  moment  a  sufficient 
number  of  men  to  defend  the  works  already  estab 
lished,  and  that  by  extending  them  he  should  weaken 
his  post. 

General  Burgoyne,  perceiving  the  advantage  of 
this  position,  with  great  labour  surmounted  the  diffi 
culties  of  its  almost  perpendicular  ascent,  and  com 
menced  preparing  a  battery  on  its  summit.  General 
St.  Clair  was  now  convinced  that  the  loss  of  his  army 
would  be  inevitable,  if  he  persevered  in  defending  the 
fort. 

On  the  sixth  of  July,  he  summoned  a  council  of 
war,  and  the  unanimous  opinion  was  to  retreat,  be 
fore  the  investment  was  completed,  which  would  have 
taken  place  the  following  day. 

That  evening  the  baggage  and  stores  were  put 
on  board  the  boats,  and  at  an  early  hour  in  the  night 
the  troops  silently  retired  from  Ticonderoga,  over  the 
bridge,  to  Mount  Independence.  The  intention  was 
to  move  quietly,  that  the  enemy  would  have  no  in 
formation  of  the  retreat  until  the  next  morning.  Un 
fortunately,  the  barracks  of  General  Fournay  took 
fire,  and  the  whole  of  Mount  Independence  was  illu- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  75 

minated.  By  this  disaster,  the  enemy  were  apprised 
of  the  projected  retreat,  before  our  march  was  com 
menced  ;  and  they  immediately  prepared  for  pursuit. 

A  brigade  of  troops  under  the  command  of  Co 
lonel  Long,  proceeded  with  the  baggage  by  water, 
to  Skeensborough.  The  main  body  of  the  army,  under 
the  command  of  General  St.  Clair,  marched  through 
a  wilderness  to  Castletown,  in  Vermont,  about  thirty 
miles  from  Ticonderoga.  A  large  body  of  the  enemy, 
under  the  command  of  Generals  Frazer  and  Reidesel, 
pursued,  and  the  morning  after  the  retreat  attacked 
the  rear-guard,  consisting  of  about  thirteen  hundred 
men,  commanded  by  Colonel  Warner.  The  guard 
had  been  much  increased  by  a  large  number  of  troops 
falling  out  from  the  main  body  through  fatigue  and 
other  causes.  It  was  impossible  to  avoid  this  irregu 
larity,  as  the  march  was  through  a  thick  wilderness, 
in  a  path  but  just  wide  enough  for  two  men  to  walk 
abreast. 

Colonels  Warner  and  Francis  were  the  principal 
officers  who  commanded  in  this  trying  and  perilous 
situation.  They  made  great  exertions,  and  for  some 
time  successfully  resisted.  But  when  the  main  body 
of  the  enemy  was  brought  into  action,  our  gallant 
troops  were  compelled  to  retreat.  At  this  time  Co 
lonel  Francis  was  killed ;  and  the  loss  of  killed, 
wounded,  and  prisoners,  was  probably  five  or  six 
hundred. 

It  was  the  intention  of  General  St.  Clair  to  have 
marched  to  Skeensborough  ;  but  at  the  same  time 
that  the  rear  of  his  army  was  defeated,  he  received 


76  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

information  thai  Colonel  Long  had  retreated  from 
that  place.  As  his  object  in  quitting  Ticonderoga 
was  to  save  his  army  for  future  operations,  he  changed 
his  line  of  march,  and  proceeded  by  the  way  of  Rut 
land  and  Manchester  in  Vermont,  to  Fort  Edward  on 
the  Hudson,  and  there  joined  the  forces  commanded 
by  General  Schuyler. 

The  clamour  against  General  St.  Clair  was  exces 
sive.  Even  the  army  which  he  had  saved  from  destruc 
tion  joined  in  the  popular  cry  against  him.  It  was  as 
serted  that  he  had  sold  the  key  of  the  country ;  and 
many  of  his  own  troops  were  made  to  believe  that  they 
were  guarding  him  and  his  treasure  to  a  place  of  safety. 
A  public  inquiry  was  made  into  his  conduct,  and  he 
was  honourably  acquitted.  Had  he  remained  a  few 
days  longer  at  Ticonderoga,  there  is  not  a  doubt  but 
that  his  whole  force  would  have  been  captured,  and 
the  result  of  the  campaign  of  a  very  different  char 
acter. 

Dr.  Thatcher,  who  was  with  the  army  of  General 
St.  Clair,  remarks  in  his  military  journal  : 

"  It  is  predicted  by  some  of  our  well-informed  and 
respectable  characters,  that  this  event,  apparently  so 
calamitous,  will  ultimately  prove  advantageous,  by 
drawing  the  British  army  into  the  heart  of  the  coun 
try,  and  thereby  place  them  more  immediately  in  our 
power." 

The  wisdom  that  deduces  good  from  evil  is  often 
rewarded  by  the  event.  It  was  made  apparent  in 
the  close  of  the  campaign,  and  the  prophecy  exactly 
fulfilled. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  77 

When  the  army  of  St.  Clair  was  ordered  to  re 
treat,  boats  were  in  readiness  to  receive  the  cannon, 
baggage  and  military  stores.  Major  Hull,  like  the 
rest  of  the  officers,  lost  every  thing  but  the  clothing 
he  had  on.  Some  valuable  books,  a  good  military 
library  for  that  period,  and  his  camp  furniture,  were 
captured  by  the  enemy  at  Skeensborough. 

Trying  as  was  their  situation,  and  humbling  to 
the  feelings  of  the  army,  yet  from  the  first,  the  ex 
pediency  of  the  retreat  was  apparent  to  Major  Hull, 
and  he  did  every  thing  in  his  power  to  convince 
those  of  his  brother  officers  who  joined  in  the  preju 
dice  against  St.  Clair,  of  the  necessity  of  the  step. 
Major  Hull  availed  himself  of  the  first  opportunity 
that  offered,  to  communicate  his  views  to  the  public, 
that  he  might  justify  his  commander. 

At  a  halt  of  the  army,  not  far  from  Fort  Edward, 
he  addressed  a  letter  *  to  the  Honourable  Judge 
Mitchell,  of  Wethersfield,  Connecticut — the  stump  of 
a  tree  serving  him  for  a  table — stating  all  the  circum 
stances  connected  with  an  event,  the  author  of 
which  was  so  severely  censured  by  his  countrymen. 
About  the  fifteenth  of  July  General  St.  Clair  joined 
General  Schuyler's  army  at  Fort  Edward.  General 
Burgoyne  did  not  prosecute  the  advantage  he  had 
gained  at  Ticonderoga.  He  lost  some  weeks  at 
Skeensborough  and  Fort  Ann,  in  bringing  forward 
his  heavy  artillery  and  supplies. 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  II.,  for  a  1 777,  together  with  other  letters  pre- 
copy  of  this  letter,  which  was  pub-  fixed  in  the  Appendix  in  relation  to 
lished  by  Judge  Mitchell,  in  "  The  it,  from  the  Honourable  Horace  Bin- 
Hartford  Courant,"  of  date  July  17th,  ney,  of  Philadelphia. 


78  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

General  Schuyler  availed  himself  of  this  delay  to 
recruit  his  army,  but  retreated  when  General  Bur- 
goyne  advanced  towards  Fort  Edward,  not  being  suf 
ficiently  strong  to  defend  the  position  he  had  taken. 
He  crossed  to  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson  above 
Saratoga.  Major  Hull  commanded  the  rear-guard 
in  this  retreat. 

When  the  troops  halted  in  the  evening  near  Sar 
atoga,  Major  Hull  was  directed  to  remain  two  miles 
in  the  rear,  during  the  night.  His  command  consist 
ed  of  about  three  hundred  continental  troops  ;  the 
remainder  were  militia.  He  formed  his  plan  early 
in  the  evening,  placing  the  continental  troops  on  the 
right,  extending  to  the  river;  and  on  the  left,  as  far 
from  the  river  as  the  numbers  would  admit. 

In  front  of  his  lines  he  stationed  small  patrols  of 
observation  ;  one  up  the  river,  one  on  his  left,  and  a 
third  between  these  two  parties ;  writh  directions  to 
proceed  as  far  as  they  could,  and  if  no  enemy  ap 
peared,  to  return  early  in  the  morning. 

Soon  after  daylight,  the  patrols  returned  without 
having  made  any  discoveries.  About  sunrise,  the 
advanced  guards  were  seen  retreating.  An  officer 
was  despatched  to  ascertain  the  cause.  He  was  in 
formed  that  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  was  ad 
vancing,  and  very  near  to  our  troops.  Major  Hull 
immediately  formed  the  line,  and  shortly  after,  the 
enemy  appeared,  formed  in  his  front,  and  commenced 
a  fire.  The  fire  was  returned,  which  gave  a  tempo 
rary  check  to  the  assailants. 

In  a  few  moments  a  body  of  regular  troops  and 
savages  attacked  the  left  flank,  which,  being  com- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  79 

posed  of  militia,  gave  way  and  retreated  in  some 
disorder.  The  enemy  then  advanced,  discharged  a 
heavy  fire  on  the  centre  and  right ;  being  unsupported 
by  the  left,  and  the  numbers  opposed  greatly  superior, 
Major  Hull  ordered  a  retreat.  As  soon  as  it,com- 
menced,  the  enemy  pursued  with  great  rapidity,  pour 
ing  upon  them  an  incessant  fire,  while  the  savages, 
like  so  many  demons,  were  sounding  their  hideous 
yells  in  our  ears. 

After  retreating  three  quarters  of  a  mile,  some  ris 
ing  ground  was  perceived  on  the  right,  and  it  was 
determined  to  form  and  make  a  stand.  Major  Hull 
was  now  in  the  rear  of  his  troops.  He  rode  full  speed 
past  the  retreating  line,  towards  the  front,  and  point 
ing  to  the  hill,  informed  each  officer,  as  he  passed, 
that  it  was  his  intention  to  take  possession  of  that 
ground.  When  the  detachment  came  opposite  to  the 
hill,  the  officer  most  in  advance  was  directed  to  wheel 
his  men  to  the  right  and  march  up  the  hill. 

To  prevent  any  of  the  men  from  continuing  to 
retreat,  an  officer  was  posted  in  the  road,  with  a 
small  guard,  with  orders  to  stop  them  at  all  events. 

In  a  short  time  the  line  was  formed,  and  the  ene 
my  advanced  with  great  violence  to  break  it.  They 
were  met  with  a  heavy  fire,  and  the  position  was  sus 
tained  until  a  reinforcement  arrived,  and  compelled 
them  to  retreat  with  considerable  loss. 

In  this  little  rencontre,  one  officer  was  killed,  two 
wounded,  and  about  twenty  men  killed  and  wounded. 
Major  Hull  received  the  thanks  of  General  Schuyler 
for  his  conduct  on  this  occasion. 


80  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

GENERAL  ARNOLD  MARCHES   TO  THE  RELIEF  OF  FORT  STANWIX. — TRIAL  OF 
BUTLER. — RETREAT  OF  GEN.  ST.  LEGER. 

THE  day  following  the  events  related  in  the  pre 
ceding  chapter,  Major  Hull  was  ordered  to  march  his 
detachment  to  Albany,  to  join  the  residue  of  the  re 
giment,  the  command  of  which  now  devolved  on  that 
gallant  officer,  Colonel  Brooks. 

Fort  Stanwix  was  at  this  time  besieged  by  a  large 
bddy  of  British  troops  and  savages.  Our  regiment 
was  ordered  to  join  the  detachment  of  General  Ar 
nold,  appointed  to  march  to  its  relief.  The  name  of 
this  fort  was  now  changed  to  that  of  Schuyler.  It 
was  situated  on  the  Mohawk  river,  about  one  hun 
dred  miles  from  Albany,  on  the  site  of  the  present 
town  of  Rome.  It  was  garrisoned  by  one  continental 
regiment,  a  company  of  artillery,  and  a  small  body  of 
infantry,  consisting  in  all  of  about  six  hundred  men, 
and  commanded  by  Colonel  Ganesvoort.  The  Amer 
icans  had  established  this  post  for  the  protection  of 
the  western  settlements  against  the  predatory  incur 
sions  of  the  British  soldiers,  loyalists,  and  savages. 
General  Burgoyne,  considering  the  occupation  of  the 
country  on  the  Mohawk  river  would  be  of  great  im 
portance  in  his  plan  of  operations,  previously  to  his 
descent  upon  Ticonderoga  sent  a  detachment  against 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  3] 

the  fort,  of  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  consisting  of 
regulars,  loyalists,  and  savages.  As  soon  as  the  fort 
was  reduced,  the  troops  were  to  co-operate  writh  him 
in  his  expedition  on  the  Hudson. 

Shortly  after  St.  Leger  invested  the  fort,  the  mili 
tia  of  Tryon  county  assembled  under  the  command 
of  General  Herkimer,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  the 
siege. 

St.  Leger,  receiving  the  information  of  Herkimer's 
approach,  detached  a  portion  of  his  regulars  and  all 
his  savages,  arid  formed  an  ambuscade  on  the  route 
they  were  marching,  within  about  four  miles  of  the 
fort.  The  plan  completely  succeeded.  The  militia 
were  attacked  on  each  flank,  before  they  knew  that 
an  enemy  was  near.  Being  thrown  into  disorder  by 
the  first  fire,  the  Indians  rushed  upon  them  with  tom 
ahawks  and  scalping  knives,  and  a  horrible  slaughter 
ensued.  More  than  four  hundred  fell  victims  to  the 
fury  of  the  savages ;  among  them  were  many  of  the 
most  respectable  citizens  of  New- York. 

After  the  defeat  of  General  Herkimer,  the  divi 
sion  of  continental  troops,  under  General  Arnold,, 
consisting  of  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  marched  in 
separate  bodies,  and  assembled  at  the  German  Flatsr 
on  the  Mohawk,  then  the  most  westerly  settlements 
of  the  State  of  New- York.  Here  they  remained  a 
few  days,  waiting  the  arrival  of  the  whole  body  and 
the  necessary  supplies. 

General  St.  Leger  continued  indefatigable  in 
pressing  the  siege,  and  made  his  approaches  to  within 
a  very  small  distance  of  the  fort ;  but  the  brave 

6 


32  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Gansevoort  constantly  repelled  the  summons  to  sur 
render. 

During  this  state  of  things,  General  St.  Leger 
despatched  a  subaltern  officer  by  the  name  of  Butler, 
to  treat  with  the  inhabitants  ;  expecting  that  after  so 
severe  a  demonstration  of  his  power  against  General 
Herkimer,  they  would  be  induced  to  take  protection 
under  his  standard.  The  party  sent  out  consisted  of 
some  influential  loyalists,  with  a  number  of  armed 
savages  ;  it  went  forth  under  a  flag  of  truce.  Butler 
proceeded  down  the  southern  side  of  the  Mohawk, 
until  he  came  opposite  General  Arnold's  encampment. 
He  had  with  him  large  bundles  of  General  Burgoyne's 
and  St.  Leger's  proclamations.  They  were  addressed 
to  the  inhabitants  only,  and  he  was  directed  to  have 
no  communication  with  any  civil  or  military  officer. 

As  soon  as  General  Arnold  received  information 
of  the  progress  of  this  party,  he  detached  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Brooks  with  one  hundred  men,  with  orders 
to  make  prisoners  of  them.  As  Brooks  approached, 
Butler  paraded  his  men,  as  if  he  intended  to  give 
battle,  though  with  his  flag  of  truce  flying  before 
them.  Colonel  Brooks  ordered  him  to  lay  down  his 
arms.  Butler  refused.  Brooks  directed  his  men  to 
advance  with  the  bayonet,  when  the  party  imme 
diately  surrendered.  General  Arnold  appointed  a 
board  of  officers  to  report  to  him  in  what  character 
Butler  should  be  considered,  and  what  punishment 
should  be  inflicted.  The  Board  reported  that  his  bu 
siness  was  not  with  the  civil  officers  of  the  State,  nor 
with  the  officer  commanding  the  American  forces,  and 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  33 

therefore  the  flag  was  no  protection  to  him.  That 
as  he  was  taken  in  our  territory,  and  near  the  army, 
his  object  must  have  been,  under  the  cover  of  a  flag 
of  truce,  to  have  ascertained  and  informed  the  enemy 
of  our  situation  and  strength ;  and  that  he  ought  to 
be  considered  a  spy,  and  executed  according  to  the 
laws  of  war. 

The  sentence  was  not  carried  into  execution. 
General  Arnold  sent  him  a  prisoner  to  Albany.  He 
was  committed  to  jail,  from  which  he  shortly  made 
his  escape. 

It  may  be  questioned  whether  the  opinion  of  the 
court  was  correct.  There  was  a  difference  between 
his  situation  and  that  of  Andre.  They  both  came 
within  the  American  lines  in  full  uniform.  Both 
performed  their  business  in  their  uniforms.  Andre 
put  off  his  to  favour  his  escape ;  when  taken  he 
was  without  it.  Butler  wore  his  uniform,  believing 
that  he  was  acting  under  the  only  proper  authority, 
that  of  the  King,  and  when  exposed  to  arrest,  assumed 
no  disguise.  Major  Hull  was  present  at  the  trial. 
Butler  conducted  himself  with  great  fearlessness. 
When  the  charges  were  read  to  him,  and  when  asked 
whether  guilty  or  not  guilty,  he  replied  to  the  Board, 
that  he  was  a  British  officer,  and  acted  under  the 
authority  of  the  King ;  and  that  he  would  not  answer 
their  questions  until  they  showed  by  what  authority 
they  acted.  He  further  said  that  he  was  then  in  the 
King's  dominions,  and  was  amenable  to  no  other 
power  than  what  was  derived  from  his  sovereign. 

The  Court  admonished  the  prisoner  of  his  impru- 


34  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

dence,  and  apprised  him  of  the  consequences  of  his 
not  answering  to  their  questions.  He  then  remarked, 
that  he  could  not  be  considered  as  a  spy,  as  he  ap 
peared  without  disguise,  and  his  business  was  with 
the  inhabitants  of  the  country,  whom  his  General  and 
himself  viewed  as  his  Majesty's  subjects. 

Among  the  loyalists  taken  with  Butler,  was  a 
man  by  the  name  of  Schuyler,  sometimes  by  histo 
rians  called  Cuyler.  His  family  was  respectable,  and 
resided  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  German  Flats. 

The  father  of  Schuyler  applied  to  General  Arnold 
for  the  pardon  of  his  son.  General  Arnold  asked  him, 
if  he  would  be  answerable  for  the  fidelity  of  his  son, 
if  he  intrusted  him  with  a  message  to  St.  Leger. 
He  replied,  he  would.  Arnold  then  sent  for  the 
young  man,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  father  inform 
ed  him  of  the  sentence,  and  probable  fate  of  his  com 
panion,  Butler;  that  he  was  equally  implicated,  and 
his  fate  must  be  the  same.  He  then  asked  Schuyler 
whether  he  was  personally  acquainted  with  General 
St.  Leger,  and  whether  St.  Leger  had  confidence  in 
him.  To  both  questions  he  replied  in  the  affirmative. 
General  Arnold  said,  "  To  save  your  life,  are  you  wil 
ling  to  go  to  the  fort  and  inform  St.  Leger  that  But 
ler  and  his  party  were  made  prisoners  ;  that  Butler 
had  been  tried  as  a  spy,  and  was  condemned  to  be 
executed;  that,  expecting  the  same  fate,  you  had 
succeeded  in  making  your  escape,  at  the  peril  of  your 
life  ?* 

*  Sparks,  in  his  life  of  Benedict    friendly  Indian,  wily  by  nature  and 
Arnold,  page  110,  relates,  "that  a    skilled  in  artifice  from  habit,  pro- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  35 

"  General  St.  Leger  will  naturally  inquire  of  you, 
the  strength  of  the  force  brought  against  him,  and 
other  particulars  relating  to  our  plans  and  future 
movements. 

"  You  must  inform  him,  that  my  army  consists  of 
three  thousand  continental  troops,  with  ten  pieces  of 
artillery.  That  it  was  to  commence  its  march  the 
next  morning,  and  must  be  then  very  near  the  fort. 
Are  you  willing  to  go  with  this  message  ?"  Schuyler 
answered  that  he  was. 

General  Arnold  then  turning  to  the  father,  said, 
"  Are  you  prepared,  if  your  son  proves  false,  to  re 
ceive  his  punishment  ?"  He  promptly  replied,  "  Yes." 

The  father  was  then  secured,  and  the  son  pro 
ceeded  to  the  camp  of  St.  Leger.  On  his  arrival,  the 
General  received  him  most  cordially,  and  requested 
him  to  give  him  all  the  news.  Schuyler  informed 
him  of  the  manner  in  which  they  had  been  captured  ; 
of  Butler's  fate,  and  what  his  fate  would  have  been, 
had  he  not  made  his  escape ;  and  that  General  Ar 
nold  was  marching  on  with  three  thousand  continen 
tal  troops,  supported  by  ten  pieces  of  artillery,  and  he 
would  be  before  the  fort  in  a  few  hours.  General 
St.  Leger,  on  receiving  this  information,  immediately 
ordered  a  retreat,  leaving  his  camp  all  standing,  his 
provisions,  intrenching  tools,  and  other  valuable  equi 
page,  behind. 

Our  army  arrived  the  following  day,  and  found 
every  thing  as  has  been  described. 

posed  that  bullets  should  be   shot    to  his  story ;  which  was  accordingly 
through    Schuyler's     coat,    which    done." 
would  give  the  greater  plausibility 


36  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Schuyler  remained,  delivered  himself  up  to  Ge 
neral  Arnold,  and  related  the  circumstances  of  his  in 
terview  with  the  British  commander. 

General  St.  Leger  retreated  down  Wood  Creek 
to  Oswego,  thence  to  Montreal,  and  proceeded  up 
Lake  Champlain  to  join  General  Burgoyne.  But  it 
was  too  late.  General  Burgoyne  with  his  whole 
army,  were  at  that  moment  prisoners  to  the  Ame 
ricans.  General  Arnold  marched  back,  and  joined 
the  main  army  on  the  Hudson, 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  87 


CHAPTER    IX. 

GENERAL  SCHTJTLER  SUPERSEDED  IN  COMMAND  OF  THE  NORTHERN  ARMY  BY 
GENERAL  GATES. 

GENERAL  SCHUYLER,  who  had  commanded  the 
Northern  Army  up  to  this  period,  was  now  to  be  su 
perseded  by  General  Gates,  an  arrangement  wound 
ing  to  the  feelings  of  the  former,  who  had  been  inde 
fatigable  in  preparing  the  way  for  the  brilliant  suc 
cesses  which  he  was  confident  were  soon  to  gladden 
the  drooping  hearts  of  his  countrymen.  But  faithful 
to  his  country's  interests,  this  good  citizen,  and  gal 
lant  soldier,  for  nearly  three  weeks  previous  to  the 
arrival  of  General  Gates  in  camp,  was  unremittingly 
active  to  repair  the  evils,  and  meet  the  exigencies  of 
his  difficult  situation. 

Already,  as  we  have  seen,  his  efforts  had  not  been 
fruitless,  and  victory  now  inclined  in  his  favour. 

He  feelingly  complained  to  General  Washington, 
that  the  course  of  his  fortune  was  interrupted,  and 
that  the  reward  of  his  toils  was  now  to  be  given  to 
another,  who  would  enjoy  that  victory  for  which  he 
had  prepared  the  way. 

But  it  was  the  desire  of  Congress  to  place  at  the 
head  of  an  army,  dismayed  by  its  reverses,  a  general 
celebrated  for  his  achievements  :  moreover,  the  troops 
of  the  Northern  Army  were  principally  from  the 


38  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Eastern  States,'  in  which  part  of  the  country  General 
Gates  held  an  unrivalled  popularity.  Both  wings  of 
Burgoyne's  army  had  now  been  cut  off.  The  detach 
ment  at  Bennington  had  met  with  a  total  defeat,  and 
the  retreat  of  St.  Leger  was  equally  fatal  to  the  in 
terests  of  the  British  General. 

The  discerning  mind  of  Washington  had  antici 
pated  these  events,  so  favourable  to  the  American 
cause.  He  thus  writes  in  reply  to  General  Schuy- 
ler,  who  had  informed  him  of  the  plan  of  General 
Burgoyne's  campaign,  which  was  to  act  in  detach 
ments.  "  Though  our  affairs  for  some  days  past  have 
worn  a  dark  and  gloomy  aspect,  I  yet  look  forward 
to  a  fortunate  and  happy  change.  I  trust  General 
Burgoyne's  army  will  meet  sooner  or  later  an  effec 
tual  check  ;  and,  as  I  suggested  before,  that  the  suc 
cess  he  has  had  will  precipitate  his  ruin.  From  your 
accounts  he  appears  to  be  pursuing  that  line  of  con 
duct  which,  of  all  others,  is  most  favourable  to  us — I 
mean  acting  in  detachments.  This  conduct  will  cer 
tainly  give  room  for  enterprise  on  our  part,  and  ex 
pose  his  parties  to  great  hazard.  Could  we  be  so 
happy  as  to  cut  one  of  them  off,  supposing  it  should 
not  exceed  four,  five,  or  six  hundred  men,  it  would 
inspirit  the  people,  and  do  away  much  of  their  pre 
sent  anxiety.  In  such  an  event,  they  would  lose  sight 
of  past  misfortunes,  and  urged  at  the  same  time  by  a 
regard  for  their  own  security,  they  would  fly  to  arms, 
and  afford  every  aid  in  their  power."*  "  Meanwhile 

*  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  IV.,  page  503. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  39 

General  Burgoyne  continued  in  his  camp  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Hudson,  where  he  used  the  most  unre 
mitting  industry  and  perseverance,  in  bringing  stores 
and  provisions  from  Fort  George.  Having  at  length, 
by  strenuous  efforts,  obtained  about  thirty  days'  pro 
visions,  he  resolved  on  passing  the  river  with  his 
army,  in  order  to  engage  the  enemy,  and  force  a  pas 
sage  to  Albany.  As  a  swell  of  the  water,  occasioned 
by  great  rains,  had  carried  away  his  bridge  of  rafts, 
he  threw  another  of  boats  over  the  river,  at  the  same 
place.  Towards  the  middle  of  September,  he  cross 
ed  with  his  army  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Hudson, 
and  encamped  on  the  heights  and  in  the  plains  of 
Saratoga ;  Gates  being  then  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Stillwater,  about  three  miles  below.  The  two  armies 
faced  each  other,  and  a  battle  was  expected  soon  to 
follow.  This  measure  of  passing  the  Hudson,  \vas 
by  many  greatly  censured.  It  was  considered  the 
principal  cause  of  the  unfortunate  issue  of  the  cam 
paign.  Some  were  of  opinion,  that,  after  the  affairs 
of  Bennington  and  Stanwix,  Burgoyne  would  have 
acted  more  wisely,  considering  the  daily  increase  of 
the  American  army,  if  he  had  renounced  the  project 
of  occupying  Albany,  and  made  the  best  of  his  way 
back  to  the  lakes.  It  appears,  however,  to  us,  but 
just  to  remark  for  his  excuse,  that  at  this  time  he  had 
not  received  intelligence,  either  of  the  strength  of  the 
army  left  at  New- York,  or  of  the  movement  which 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  to  make  or  had  made,  up  the 
North  river  towards  Albany.  He  calculated  upon  a 
powerful  co-operation  on  the  part  of  that  General. 


90  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Such  was  the  plan  of  the  Ministers,  and  such  the 
tenor  of  his  own  peremptory  instructions.  And  to 
what  reproaches  would  he  not  have  exposed  himself, 
if,  by  retiring  towards  Ticonderoga,  he  had  abandoned 
Clinton  to  himself,  and  thus  voluntarily  relinquished 
all  the  advantages  that  were  expected  from  the  junc 
tion  of  the  two  armies  ? 

"  But  though  we  think  Burgoyne  committed  no 
error,  in  resolving  to  prosecute  his  expedition,  it 
nevertheless  appears  that  he  ought  not  to  have  passed 
the  Hudson.  By  continuing  upon  the  left  bank, 
he  could  retire  at  will  towards  Ticonderoga,  or  push 
forwards  towards  Albany.  It  was  evidently  more 
easy  to  execute  this  movement,  while  having  between 
himself  and  the  now  formidable  army  of  Gates,  so 
broad  a  river  as  the  Hudson."* 

The  success  which  had  attended  the  American 
arms  at  Fort  Stanwix  and  Bennington,  reanimated 
the  spirit  of  the  country,  and  reinforcements  of  militia 
were  daily  joining  the  army.  General  Schuyler  was 
beloved,  and  his  military  character  was  highly  appre 
ciated.  Yet  the  appointment  of  General  Gates  to 
the  command  gave  great  satisfaction.  He  took  a 
position  on  Bemis's  Heights,  about  eight  miles 
below  Saratoga.  Here  we  commenced  a  line  of 
fortifications,  the  right  extending  to  the  Hudson, 
and  the  left  in  a  westerly  direction  on  high  grounds, 
about  a  mile  from  the  river.  Our  time  was  divided 
between  hard  labour  and  attending  to  the  discipline 
of  the  troops. 

*  Otis's  Botta,  Vol.  II.,  page  305,  6,  7. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  9J 

It  was  at  this  period  that  General  Burgoyne  pre 
pared  a  bridge  of  boats,  on  which  he  crossed  to  the 
west  side  of  the  Hudson.  He  fortified  the  heights 
of  Saratoga,  advanced  and  took  a  position  about  two 
miles  in  front  of  our  line  of  fortifications.  Here  he 
established  works  for  the  security  of  his  encampment. 
His  left  extended  to  the  river,  and  his  right  about 
the  same  distance  to  the  west,  as  our  line  extended. 
He  had  about  thirty  days'  provisions,  and  having 
abandoned  his  communication  with  Canada,  he 
depended  on  the  success  of  a  battle  for  his  future 
progress,  in  forming  a  junction  with  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton,  who  was  advancing  up  the  North  river  with  the 
strength  of  the  British  army. 


92  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER   X. 

BURGOYNE'S  CAMPAIGN. — BATTLE  OF  THE  NINETEENTH  OF  SEPTEMBER. 

1777. 

ON  the  nineteenth  of  September,  about  twelve 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  General  Burgoyne  selected 
the  best  part  of  his  army,  which  he  commanded  in 
person,  and  advanced  towards  the  left  wing  of  the 
American  lines.  At  three  quarters  of  a  mile  from 
our  position  his  advance  guards  were  met  by  a  regi 
ment  of  riflemen,  led  on  by  Colonel  Morgan,  and  a 
detachment  of  rangers  under  the  command  of  Major 
Dearborn.  These  parties  of  Burgoyne  were  repulsed 
by  Morgan,  who  gave  three  cheers,  which  were 
heard  in  the  camp,  and  greatly  animated  our  troops. 

General  Burgoyne  then  brought  his  effective  force 
into  action,  when  Morgan  in  his  turn  was  compelled 
to  retreat.  But  he  was  soon  reinforced  by  a  number 
of  regiments  from  the  left  wing  of  the  army,  com 
manded  by  General  Arnold,  and  about  one  o'clock 
the  action  was  renewed  with  great  obstinacy.  On 
that  day,  Major  Hull  commanded  a  picket-guard  in 
front  of  the  left  line  of  the  camp,  about  half  a  mile 
from  the  ground  where  Morgan  commenced  the  ac 
tion.  His  position  being  on  elevated  ground,  it  was 
considered  important,  and  two  regiments  were  imme- 


THE  SURRENDER  OF   GEN    BURGOYNE  IN    1777. 


p/*  J9,  Sep  tenth  e.r  exhibiting  a  view  of  the  operations 
My.  Hulk?  Volunteer*  Carps  against  apart  of  theJZritisTi  Army 


~.  ,. 


'itishJtinje.  formed,  in  the  Woods  ^^ 


';.'  Mlt»V  •  ./'A'///,'/////  l' !'•'"' 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  93 

diately  sent  to  reinforce  him,  when  the  first  firing 
was  heard. 

As  soon  as  the  action  had  recommenced,  General 
Arnold  rode  to  the  ground  which  was  occupied  by 
the  guard  of  Major  Hull.  He  called  the  officers 
around  him,  and  inquired  what  number  of  men  was 
at  that  post.  He  was  informed  that  it  consisted  of 
the  guard  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and  two 
regiments.  General  Arnold  then  said,  that  three 
hundred  volunteers,  to  be  commanded  by  a  field  offi 
cer,  must  immediately  reinforce  the  troops  which 
were  engaged.  He  repeated,  that  he  wished  them 
all  to  be  volunteers.  As  none  of  the  field  officers 
offered  their  services,  Major  Hull  observed  to  him, 
that  he  commanded  the  guard  on  that  day,  by  an 
order  from  the  Adjutant-General,  but  if  he  could  be 
excused  from  that  duty,  he  would  be  happy  to  com 
mand  the  detachment.  General  Arnold  replied,  that 
he  would  excuse  him,  and  directed  the  colonels  of 
the  two  regiments  to  call  for  three  hundred  volunteers 
and  a  suitable  number  of  captains  and  subalterns  to 
command  them.  In  a  few  moments,  the  number  re 
quired  was  paraded  and  formed  into  four  companies, 
with  the  officers  assigned  to  them.  We  at  once 
commenced  our  march  to  the  centre  of  the  engage 
ment.  Major  Hull  was  directed  to  receive  his  orders 
from  General  Poor  of  New  Hampshire,  who  com 
manded  troops  then  closely  engaged  with  the  enemy. 
He  marched  the  detachment  in  columns  of  eight 
platoons.  When  it  arrived  near  the  line  of  fire, 
General  Poor  perceiving  the  reinforcement,  sent  his 


94  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Brigade-Major,  who  informed  Major  Hull  that  the 
line  was  well  supported  in  the  centre  and  to  the  left, 
but  that  a  body  of  militia  were  hard  pressed  on  the 
right,  and  the  General  wished  the  detachment  under 

a        ' 

his  command  to  march  to  their  support.  On  arriving 
at  the  ground,  Major  Hull  found  the  militia  retiring, 
and  the  enemy  preparing  a  body  of  troops  to  attack 
the  right  of  General  Poor's  brigade. 

On  the  right  of  the  brigade  was  an  open  field  of 
about  eight  or  nine  acres  of  ground,  and  nearly  in 
the  centre  of  it  stood  a  log-house.  There  were  a 
number  of  large  dry  trees  scattered  over  the  field,  in 
which  wheat  had  been  cultivated.  On  the  south  side 
was  rising  ground,  on  which  was  a  thin  growth  of 
wood.  The  east  and  north  sides  of  the  field  were 
covered  with  thick  wood ;  but  the  west,  where  the 
right  of  General  Poor's  brigade  was  engaged,  was 
more  open.  It  was  from  this  position  that  the  militia 
had  retreated.  After  viewing  the  ground  for  a  few 
moments,  and  perceiving  a  line  of  the  enemy  a  short 
distance  beyond  the  north  side  of  the  field,  within  the 
wood,  Major  Hull  marched  his  detachment,  and  formed 
on  the  rising  ground,  at  the  south  side  of  the  field  ; 
his  right  extending  to  the  wood,  and  his  left  towards 
the  right  of  General  Poor's  brigade. 

Behind  the  log-house,  and  near  the  wood,  were 
two  pieces  of  field  artillery,  which  were  not  per 
ceived  until  the  line  had  been  formed  for  battle. 
These  pieces  were  immediately  turned  upon  us,  while 
the  infantry  of  the  enemy  were  preparing  to  advance. 
The  distance  between  the  two  lines  was  about  thirty 
rods. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  95 

Major  Hull  directed  his  officers  not  to  fire  until 
he  gave  the  word  of  command.  When  the  order  was 
given,  every  man  was  directed  to  fire  as  low  as  the 
enemy's  knees,  it  being  descending  ground  on  which 
they  stood.  As  their  artillery  had  little  effect,  their 
infantry  advanced,  extending  from  the  right  to  the 
left  of  the  field,  and  keeping  up  a  heavy  fire,  which 
killed  and  wounded  some  of  our  men.  When  they 
reached  the  centre  of  the  field,  Major  Hull  ordered 
his  troops  to  fire.  Many  of  the  enemy  fell,  and  their 
line  became  partially  disordered.  They  did  not  re 
treat,  but  slowly  advanced,  still  continuing  an  inces 
sant  fire.  We  returned  it  as  rapidly  as  our  men  could 
load,  and  with  such  effect  as  checked  their  advance 
and  created  considerable  disorder  in  their  ranks.  The 
distance  at  this  time  between  the  two  lines  was  not 
more  than  ten  rods. 

The  detachment  of  Major  Hull  had  not  moved 
from  the  ground  it  first  occupied.  He  now  ordered 
it  to  make  a  rapid  advance  and  charge  with  the  bay 
onet.  The  enemy  immediately  retreated  in  confusion 
to  the  woods.  We  pursued,  and  the  field  was  lite 
rally  covered  with  the  dead  and  wounded.  As  the 
left  of  Major  Hull's  detachment  approached  the  log- 
house,  he  directed  the  men  to  advance  and  secure  the 
pieces  of  artillery.  When  near,  they  \vere  fired  on 
from  the  house.  The  officer  in  command  marched 
up  to  the  door,  forced  it  open,  and  brought  out  a 
sergeant-major  and  nineteen  privates.  During  the 
operation  of  storming  the  house  and  receiving  the 
prisoners,  the  pieces  of  artillery  were  removed  into 


96  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  woods  to  which  the  enemy  had  retreated.  Being 
thus  covered,  it  was  deemed  inexpedient  to  advance, 
and  the  detachment  fell  back  to  the  ground  on  which 
it  had  first  formed.  Major  Hull  here  collected  the 
wounded,  which,  together  with  the  killed,  amounted 
to  nearly  one  hundred  men.  He  sent  the  wounded, 
with  about  twenty  prisoners,  into  camp.  Captain 
Allen,  a  brave  officer  from  Pittsfield,  Massachusetts, 
was  killed.  Lieutenant  John  Clapp,  who  acted  as 
adjutant,  was  shot  dead  at  the  moment  that  Major 
Hull  was  giving  him  an  order  to  communicate  to  the 
troops. 

The  enemy  now  moved  around  to  the  east  side  of 
the  wood,  in  order  to  assail  the  right  flank  of  our 
corps.  Major  Hull,  perceiving  this  movement,  changed 
his  position.  The  contest  was  renewed,  and  on  this 
ground,  which  was  covered  with  wood,  they  fought 
the  remainder  of  the  afternoon.  It  was  a  sharp 
conflict,  but  very  equal  in  point  of  strength.  Some 
times  our  troops  gave  ground,  and  sometimes  those 
of  the  enemy.  The  battle  continued  until  near  the 
dusk  of  the  evening.  Major  Hull  now  observed  a 
body  of  troops  on  their  march.  He  sent  to  inquire 
if  General  Poor,  or  any  officer  superior  to  himself  in 
rank  was  present,  as  he  would  be  happy  to  receive 
his  orders, — that  his  detachment  was  fatigued,  and 
its  ammunition  nearly  exhausted.  Colonel  Cillery, 
of  General  Poor's  brigade,  was  at  the  head  of  this 
corps.  He  replied,  that  he  was  marching  into  camp, 
and  directed  the  troops  under  Major  Hull  to  join  him. 
Our  men  drew  off  from  the  field  of  battle,  and  the 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  97 

enemy  made  no  pursuit.  Of  the  three  hundred  men 
who  commenced  the  engagement,  one-half  were 
either  killed  or  wounded. 

In  this  action  Major  Hull  held  a  separate  command. 
The  eighth  Massachusetts  regiment,  of  which  he  was 
the  Major,  was  led  on  in  another  quarter  by  Colonel 
Brooks.  It  was  distinguished  for  its  bravery,  and  the 
gallant  conduct  of  its  leader,  and  was  the  last  to  leave 
the  field. 

This  battle  of  the  nineteenth  of  September  com 
menced  between  twelve  and  one  o'clock,  and  contin 
ued,  with  not  more  than  half  an  hour's  intermission, 
until  nearly  dark.  There  was  a  remarkable  equality 
in  the  opposing  forces,  and  it  has  justly  been  consid 
ered  by  historians,  as  the  most  obstinate  that  took 
place  during  the  war. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  campaign,  there 
had  been  much  skirmishing  and  sharp  fighting ;  but 
this  was  the  first  contest  that  was  held  with  the  main 
body  of  Burgoyne's  army,  and  his  troops  fought  with 
almost  unexampled  bravery. 

General  Burgoyne  claimed  the  victory,  because 
his  army  retained  and  slept  on  the  field  of  battle. 
We  claimed  it,  because  he  had  entirely  failed  in  his 
object,  which  was  to  force  our  camp,  and  compel  us 
to  abandon  our  position ;  and  because  we  had  met 
him,  entirely  checked  his  progress,  defeated  his  ob 
ject,  and  retired  to  our  camp  without  being  pursued. 

The  able  historian,  Judge  Marshall,  thus  writes : 
"  With  reason,  therefore,  this  action  was  celebrated 
throughout  the  United  States,  and  considered  as  the 

7 


98  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

precursor  of  the  total  ruin  of  the  invading  army. 
Every  where  the  utmost  exultation  was  displayed ; 
and  every  where  the  militia  were  stimulated  to  fly  to 
arms,  and  complete  the  work  which  was  begun.3'* 

*  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington  Vol.  EL,  page  288. 


LIFE  OP  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  99 


CHAPTER   XI. 

BATTLE  OF  THE  SEVENTH   OF  OCTOBER. — SURRENDER  OF  THE  BRITISH  ARMY 

tfNDER   BURSOYNE. 

1777. 

AFTER  the  battle  of  the  nineteenth  of  September, 
no  operations  of  importance  took  place,  until  the  se 
venth  of  October.  General  Burgoyne  was  in  daily 
expectation  of  being  informed  that  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton  was  ascending  the  Hudson  for  the  purpose  of  co 
operating  with  his  army.  As  the  forces  of  General 
Gates  were  continually  augmenting  by  an  accession 
of  militia,  he  considered  this  delay  favourable ;  being 
well  assured,  that  no  immediate  relief  was  at  hand  to 
extricate  Burgoyne  from  his  present  critical  situation. 
The  interval  was  occupied  by  increasing  the  strength 
of  our  works,  and  disciplining  the  troops. 

The  prospects  of  that  formidable  army  which  had 
advanced  into  our  country  with  so  much  splendour 
and  parade,  now  appeared  gloomy  and  almost  despe 
rate. 

The  provisions  for  its  support  were  nearly  ex 
hausted,  and  the  communication  to  the  lakes  was  so 
interrupted,  that  no  further  supply  could  be  obtained 
from  Canada.  Disappointed  in  not  receiving  that 
co-operation  on  which  he  had  based  his  calculations 


]QQ  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

there  seemed  nothing  left  to  General  Burgoyne  to 
extricate  himself  from  the  difficulties  by  which  he 
was  surrounded,  than  a  resolute  appeal  to  the  intre 
pidity  and  strength  of  his  troops. 

The  very  subsistence  of  his  army  now  depended 
on  forcing  General  Gates  from  his  position,  and  thus 
opening  his  way  into  the  country,  to  obtain  the  ne 
cessary  supplies.  He  took  this  desperate  step  on  the 
seventh  of  October.  In  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  he 
selected  fifteen  hundred  of  his  most  effective  troops, 
with  the  addition  of  his  grenadiers,  light  infantry, 
provincials,  and  savages.  With  this  force  he  took  the 
field,  having  with  him  ten  pieces  of  artillery,  consist 
ing  of  twelve-pounders,  six-pounders,  and  howitzers, 
He  formed  on  the  right  of  his  encampment,  and  was 
assisted  in  command  by  Generals  Frazer,  Reidesel, 
and  Philips.  His  object  was,  to  possess  himself  of 
rising  ground  on  the  left  of  General  Gates's  position, 
and  from  that  eminence,  with  his  artillery  to  enfilade 
his  line  of  defences  and  under  cover  of  as  near  a 
cannonade  as  could  be  made,  to  storm  with  his  co 
lumns  of  infantry  the  whole  left  of  the  American  en 
campment.  To  favour  this  operation,  he  detached  a 
small  body  of  regulars,  loyalists  and  savages,  to  make 
a  detour  around  our  left,  and  take  a  position  in  the 
rear  of  our  encampment,  and  attack  the  left  as  soon 
as  he  commenced  his  operations  on  the  flank. 

On  this  day,  Major  Hull  again  commanded  the 
advanced  guard  in  front  of  the  left  wing  of  the  Ame 
rican  army.  His  guard  consisted  of  about  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  men.  He  was  in  a  situation  to  ob- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  JQ1 

serve  the  enemy's  movement,  and  sent  frequent 
intelligence  to  General  Gates,  that  every  disposition 
of  the  enemy's  forces  indicated  a  serious  attack  that 
afternoon  on  our  left. 

About  twelve  o'clock,  General  Burgoyne  com 
menced  his  march  from  his  encampment.  A  part  of 
Arnold's  wing  and  Morgan's  corps  of  riflemen  were 
ordered  to  meet  and  attack  him.  The  other  part  of 
Arnold's  wing,  with  a  part  of  the  right,  commanded 
by  General  Lincoln,  were  ordered  to  advance  towards 
the  enemy's  lines  and  endeavour  to  cut  off  the  com 
munication  between  Burgoyne  and  the  remainder  of 
his  army,  which  had  been  left  for  the  security  of  his 
encampment,  and  likewise  to  repel  any  bodies  of  the 
enemy  advancing  from  that  quarter. 

As  General  Burgoyne  approached,  he  passed  the 
guard  commanded  by  Major  Hull,  at  the  distance  of 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile.  The  three  regiments  of 
Arnold's  division  had  advanced  within  a  small  distance 
on  the  left  of  Major  Hull's  position.  He  received 
orders  from  General  Arnold  to  form  on  the  right  of 
these  regiments. 

When  General  Burgoyne  had  nearly  reached  the 
ground  he  intended  to  occupy,  he  was  furiously  at 
tacked  by  Morgan's  regiment  of  riflemen,  and  Ar 
nold's  three  regiments,  including  the  guard  com 
manded  by  Major  Hull.  It  was  not  long  after  the 
action  commenced,  before  the  British  line  began  to 
give  way.  At  this  moment,  General  Frazer  came  up 
with  a  second  line,  which  had  been  held  in  reserve. 
He  was  immediately  attacked  by  Arnold's  three  regi- 


]02  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

ments,  Morgan's  riflemen,  and  the  guard  of  Major 
Hull.  The  impetuosity  of  the  assault,  and  the  va 
lour  and  intrepidity  with  which  it  was  met,  soon 
thinned  the  ranks,  and  many  fell  on  both  sides. 
Burgoyne  was  compelled  to  retreat  to  his  encamp 
ment;  he  was  fiercely  pursued,  and  says  in  his  ac 
count  of  the  action,  uwe  retreated,  hot  pressed,  but 
in  good  order." 

As  soon  as  the  retreat  commenced,  Major  Hull 
was  ordered  to  take  his  station  where  his  guard  had 
been  first  posted,  and  assist  in  removing  the  prisoners, 
the  wounded,  and  the  artillery  and  arms  which  had 
been  left  on  the  field  of  battle. 

The  British  General  being  now  driven  from  his 
position,  was  hotly  pursued  by  Arnold  and  Morgan* 
The  termination  of  the  battle,  as  described  by  Charles 
Botta,  is  taken  from  the  translation  of  George  Otis9 
Esquire. 

"  Upon  this  occasion  Brigadier-General  Frazer 
was  mortally  wounded ;  an  officer  whose  loss  was 
severely  felt  by  the  English,  and  whose  valour  and 
abilities  justified  their  regrets.*  Their  situation  now 


*  Professor  Silliman,  in  a  journal  pointing  to  Frazer,  said,    'Do  you 

of  his  travels  over  the  battle-ground,  see  that   gallant  officer?     That  is 

says, — "  Frazer  was  the  soul  of  this  General  Frazer.     I  respect  and  hon- 

battle  of  the  seventh  of  October,  and  our  him :  but  it  is  necessary  that  he 

was  just  changing  the  disposition  of  should   die.'      This    was    enough, 

the  troops,  to  repel  a  strong  impres-  Frazer    immediately    received    his 

sion  which  the  Americans  had  made  mortal  wound,  and  was  carried  ofF 

and  were  still  making  on  the  British  the  field."     High  praise  is  certainly 

right,  when  Morgan  called  together  due  to  this  noble  officer,  but  it  may 

three  of  his  best  marksmen,  and  be  a  question,  whether  it  should  be 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

became  extremely  critical :  even  their  camp  was 
threatened ;  the  enemy  emboldened  by  victory  was 
advancing  to  storm  it,  and  if  he  arrived  before  the 
retreating  detachment,  there  could  be  little  hope  of 
defending  it.  Philips  and  Reidesel  were  ordered  to 
rally  with  all  expedition  those  troops  which  were 
nearest  or  most  disengaged,  to  cover  the  retreat  of 
the  others,  while  Burgoyne  himself,  fiercely  pursued 
by  Arnold,  retired  with  precipitation  towards  the 
camp.  The  detachment  at  length,  though  with  ex 
treme  difficulty,  regained  the  intrenchments,  having 
left  however  upon  the  field  of  battle  a  great  number 
of  killed  and  wounded,  particularly  of  the  artillery 
corps,  who  had,  with  equal  glory  to  themselves,  and 
prejudice  to  the  enemy,  displayed  the  utmost  ability 
in  their  profession,  along  with  the  most  undaunted 
resolution.  Six  pieces  of  cannon  also  remained  in 
the  possession  of  the  Americans. 

"  But  the  business  of  the  day  was  not  yet  ter 
minated.  The  English  had  scarcely  entered  their 
camp,  when  the  Americans,  pursuing  their  success,  as 
saulted  it  in  different  parts  with  uncommon  fierceness; 
rushing  to  the  lines  through  a  severe  fire  of  grape- 
shot  and  small  arms,  with  the  utmost  fury.  Arnold 
especially,  who  on  this  day  appeared  intoxicated  with 
the  thirst  of  battle  and  carnage,  led  on  the  attack 
against  a  part  of  the  intrenchments  occupied  by  the 
light  infantry,  under  Lord  Balcares.  But  the  Eng- 

bestowed  so  entirely  at  the  expense  every  thing  that  was  possible,  under 
of  Burgoyne,  whose  military  ability  circumstances  of  such  disadvantage, 
and  undaunted  resolution  effected 


104  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

lish  received  him  with  great  vigour  and  spirit.  The 
action  was  obstinate  and  sanguinary.  At  length,  as 
it  grew  towards  evening,  Arnold  having  forced  all 
obstacles,  entered  the  works  with  some  of  the  most 
fearless  of  his  followers.  But  in  this  critical  moment 
of  glory  and  danger,  he  was  grievously  wounded  in 
the  same  leg  which  had  been  already  shattered  at  the 
assault  of  Quebec.  To  his  great  regret,  he  was 
constrained  to  retire.  His  party  still  continued  the 
attack,  and  the  English  sustained  it  with  obstinacy, 
till  night  separated  the  combatants. 

"  The  royalists  were  not  so  fortunate  in  another 
quarter.  A  republican  detachment,  commanded  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Brooks,  having  succeeded  by  a 
circuitous  movement  in  turning  the  right  wing  of  the 
English,  fell,  sword  in  hand,  upon  the  right  flank  of 
their  intrenchments  and  made  the  most  desperate  ef 
forts  to  carry  them.  This  post  was  defended  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Breyman,  at  the  head  of  the 
German  reserve.  The  resistance  at  first  was  ex 
ceedingly  vigorous ;  but  Breyman  being  mortally 
wounded,  his  countrymen  were  damped,  and  at  length 
routed,  with  great  slaughter.  Their  tents,  artillery 
and  baggage,  fell  into  the  possession  of  the  assail 
ants.  The  Americans  established  themselves  in  the 
intrenchments.  General  Burgoyne,  hearing  of  this 
disaster,  ordered  them  to  be  dislodged  immediately. 
But  either  in  consequence  of  the  approach  of  night, 
or  from  the  discouragement  of  his  troops,  he  was  not 
obeyed,  and  the  victors  continued  to  occupy  the  po 
sitions  they  had  gained  with  so  much  glory.  They 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  JQ5 

had  now  acquired  an  opening  on  the  right  and  rear 
of  the  British  army.  The  other  American  divisions 
passed  the  night  under  arms,  at  the  distance  of  half 
a  mile  from  the  British  camp.  The  loss  in  dead  and 
wounded  was  great  on  both  sides,  but  especially  on 
the  part  of  the  English,  of  whom  no  few  were  also 
made  prisoners.  Majors  Williams  of  the  artillery  and 
Ackland  of  the  grenadiers,  were  among  the  latter. 
Many  pieces  of  artillery,  all  the  baggage  of  the  Ger 
mans,  and  many  warlike  stores,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  republicans,  who  needed  them  greatly.  They 
were  impatient  for  the  return  of  day  to  renew  the 
battle. 

"  But  deplorable  and  perilous  beyond  expression 
was  the  situation  of  the  British  troops  ;  they  bore  it, 
however,  with  admirable  temper  and  firmness.  It 
was  evidently  impossible  to  continue  in  their  present 
position,  without  submitting  to  a  certainty  of  destruc 
tion  on  the  ensuing  day.  The  Americans,  invigorated 
and  encouraged,  would  certainly  have  profited  by  the 
access  they  had  already  opened  to  themselves  on  the 
right,  and  of  other  untenable  points,  to  carry  every 
part  of  the  camp  and  completely  surround  the  Brit 
ish  army.  Burgoyne  therefore  determined  to  operate 
a  total  change  of  ground.  He  executed  this  move 
ment  with  admirable  order,  and  without  any  loss. 
During  the  night  he  silently  drew  off  his  troops,  ar 
tillery  and  camp  furniture,  and  occupied  the  heights 
higher  up  the  river."* 

*  Otis's  Botta,  Vol.  II.,  pages  315,  16,  17. 


106  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Although  Major  Hull  had  a  separate  command  on 
this  momentous  day,  and  acted  not  an  unimportant 
part  in  the  battle,  yet  he  remarks  :  "  I  always  re 
gretted,  that  as  I  was  the  Major  and  then  second  in 
command  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Brooks  in  the  eighth 
Massachusetts  regiment,  that,  by  the  routine  of  duty, 
I  was  absent  from  it  at  the  time  when  it  stormed  and 
entered  the  intrenchments  of  the  British  on  the  right. 

"  This  was  a  brilliant  close  to  the  achievements  of 
the  seventh  of  October.  Some  historians  of  the  Rev 
olution  have  stated  that  the  regiment  was  led  on  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Brooks,  and  myself  as  Major, 
having  thus  given  me  credit  to  which  1  am  not  en 
titled.  The  fact  not  being  founded  in  truth.  I  feel  a 
pleasure  in  contradicting  it.  My  situation  has  been 
precisely  stated." 

The  fate  of  General  Burgoyne's  army  seemed 
now  decided.  We  had  gained  a  complete  victory 
over  the  most  effective  portion  of  his  troops,  com 
manded  by  himself  in  person,  and  assisted  by  his 
best  Generals.  We  had  advanced  to  his  lines,  and 
by  the  force  of  the  bayonet,  obtained  possession  of 
the  most  commanding  part  of  them.  All  the  artillery 
which  he  had  carried  into  the  field,  and  those  in  the 
works,  had  fallen  into  our  hands.  We  had  taken 
between  two  and  three  hundred  prisoners,  and  killed 
and  wounded  more  than  that  number,  and  all  with 
comparatively  a  small  loss  on  our  part.  General  Gates 
declined  giving  battle  the  next  day,  sensible  that 
nothing  should  be  risked  under  his  present  superior 
advantages.  He  felt  assured  that  there  were  other 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  JQ7 

and  less  expensive  means  of  reducing  his  foe_,  than 
by  blood  and  carnage.  The  impossibility  of  his  es 
cape  from  a  vigilant  and  ever-increasing  army ;  the 
want  of  provisions ;  the  want  of  the  munitions  of 
war,  of  which  defeat  had  greatly  deprived  him ;  and 
above  all,  the  want  of  that  co-operation,  upon  which 
he  had  reasonably  relied,  closed  every  avenue  of  hope 
to  the  British,  while  it  opened  the  brightest  prospects 
for  the  final  success  of  the  American  arms. 

"  General  Burgoyne,"  says  Major  Hull,  "  com 
menced  his  retreat  to  Saratoga  on  the  evening  of  the 
eighth  of  October.  The  following  day  it  rained  inces 
santly  ;  we  continued  in  our  tents  until  morning,  when 
orders  came  to  begin  the  pursuit.  General  Gates  had 
in  the  mean  time  taken  measures  to  advance  parties 
in  front  of  the  enemy  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  to 
obstruct  his  retreat  to  Lake  George.  At  Saratoga, 
the  British  halted,  and  took  possession  of  the  fortifi 
cations,  which  they  had  erected  on  their  march  down 
wards. 

"  The  brigade  to  which  our  regiment  was  attached, 
was  commanded  by  General  Learned,  and  consisted 
of  three  regiments.  It  was  directed  to  pass  a  creek, 
on  which  General  Schuyler's  mills  were  established, 
and  which  was  much  swollen  by  the  rain,  to  take  a 
position  on  the  west  side  of  Saratoga.  While  in  this 
situation  and  near  the  fortifications,  a  deserter  came 
from  Burgoyne's  camp  and  informed  General  Learned, 
that  the  whole  British  army  had  retreated  to  Fort  Ed 
ward,  and  that  only  a  small  guard  was  left  in  the  fort. 

The  brigade  was  immediately  ordered  to  attack 


]08  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  fort ;  it  advanced  to  within  a  very  small  distance, 
when  General  Wilkinson,  who  was  Adjutant-General 
of  the  army,  rode  up  and  ordered  an  immediate  re 
treat.  At  this  time  not  a  gun  had  been  fired  on  us 
by  the  enemy,  and  in  a  few  minutes  more  we  should 
have  been  up  to  their  breastworks.  They  rose  from 
behind  them,  and  commenced  a  tremendous  fire 
upon  us  of  grapeshot  and  musketry.  We  lost  a  few 
men,  but  soon  took  a  position  out  of  the  reach  of  their 
guns.  The  pretended  deserter  disappeared.  It  was 
believed  that  he  was  employed  by  General  Burgoyne 
to  give  this  false  information.  Fortunately,  General 
Gates  had  been  apprised,  before  it  was  too  late,  that 
the  whole  British  army  was  at  Saratoga,  and  sent  the 
counter  orders,  which  saved  us  from  impending  de 
struction.  We  remained  watching  the  enemy,  and 
lying  constantly  on  our  arms." 

At  this  juncture  the  historian  Bottathus  writes  : 
"  It  exceeds  the  power  of  words  to  describe  the 
pitiable  condition  to  which  the  British  army  was  now 
reduced.  The  troops,  worn  down  by  a  series  of  hard 
toil,  incessant  effort,  and  stubborn  action  ;  abandoned 
by  the  Indians  arid  Canadians  ;  the  whole  army  re 
duced  by  repeated  and  heavy  losses  of  many  of  their 
best  men  and  most  distinguished  officers,  from  ten 
thousand  combatants  to  less  than  five  thousand  effec 
tive  fighting  men,  of  whom  little  more  than  three 
thousand  were  English ;  under  these  circumstances, 
and  in  this  state  of  weakness,  without  a  possibility 
of  retreat,  they  were  invested  by  an  army  of  four 
times  their  own  number,  whose  position  extended 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  JQ9 

three  parts  in  four  of  a  circle  round  them ;  who 
refused  to  fight,  from  a  knowledge  of  their  condition  ; 
and  who,  from  the  nature  of  the  ground,  could  not 
be  attacked  in  any  part.  In  this  helpless  situation, 
obliged  to  lie  constantly  on  their  arms,  whilst  a  con 
tinued  cannonade  pervaded  the  camp,  and  rifle  and 
grapeshot  fell  within  every  part  of  their  lines,  the 
troops  of  Burgoyne  retained  their  ordinary  constancy, 
and  while  sinking  under  a  hard  necessity,  they  showed 
themselves  worthy  of  a  better  fate.  Nor  could  they 
be  reproached  with  any  action  or  word  which  betrayed 
a  want  of  temper  or  of  fortitude.  At  length,  no 
succour  appearing,  arid  no  rational  ground  of  hope  of 
any  kind  remaining,  an  exact  account  of  the  provi 
sions  was  taken,  on  the  morning  of  the  thirteenth, 
when  it  was  found  that  the  whole  stock  would  afford 
no  more  than  three  days'  bare  subsistence  for  the 
army.  In  such  a  state,  it  was  alike  impossible  to 
advance  or  to  remain  as  they  were ;  and  the  longer 
they  delayed  to  take  a  definitive  resolution,  the  more 
desperate  became  their  situation. 

"  Burgoyne,  therefore,  called  a  council  of  war,  at 
which  not  only  the  generals  and  field  officers,  but  all 
the  captains  of  companies,  were  invited  to  assist. 
While  they  deliberated,  the  bullets  of  the  Americans 
whistled  around  them,  and  frequently  pierced  even 
the  tent  where  the  council  was  convened.  It  was 
determined  unanimously  to  open  a  treaty,  and  enter 
into  a  convention  with  the  American  General.  This 
was  accordingly  done,  and  by  the  articles  of  conven 
tion,  the  captured  army  was  allowed  to  march  out 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

with  the  honours  of  war,  and  pile  their  arms  without 
the  camp."* 

General  Gates  with  the  utmost  delicacy  withdrew 
his  troops,  while  his  gallant  foe  was  performing  this 
humiliating  duty.  Major  Hull  writes  :  "  1  was  pre 
sent  when  they  marched  into  our  camp  ;  and  words 
cannot  describe  the  deep  interest  felt  by  every 
American  heart ;  nor  was  there  wanting  sympathy 
for  those,  who  had  so  bravely  opposed  us  in  the  con 
test.  A  general  rejoicing  of  our  country  was  now 
to  take  place,  and  scatter  the  gloom  which  but  a  few 
months  back  had  deeply  settled  upon  it.  Dangers 
seemed  past,  and  a  bright  future  opened  to  our  view. 
We  were  cheered  by  the  hope  that  an  overruling 
Providence  was  guiding  our  destinies,  and  leading  us 
to  a  glorious  termination  of  our  long  endured  trials." 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  did  not  arrive  in  the  Highlands 
on  the  North  river,  until  the  fifth  of  October,  when 
he  debarked  his  troops  at  Stony  Point,  marched 
through  the  gorges  of  the  mountains,  and  stormed 
Forts  Clinton  and  Montgomery,  which  were  com 
manded  by  Governor  Clinton  of  the  State  of  New- 
York,  and  General  James  Clinton,  his  brother.  After 
the  reduction  of  these  forts,  all  the  positions  in  the 
Highlands  were  abandoned  by  General  Putnam,  who 
commanded  on  that  station,  and  the  British  fleet  and 
army  proceeded  up  the  river  as  far  as  Esopus,  and 
burned  that  flourishing  village.  This  took  place 
about  the  time  that  General  Burgoyne  surrendered. 

*  Otis's  Botta,  Vol.  II.,  pages  324,  5. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  \\\ 

Had  Sir  Henry  Clinton  early  in  October,  after 
taking  possession  of  the  Highlands,  advanced  to  the 
relief  of  Burgoyne,  the  fortunes  of  his  army  might 
have  been  very  different.  The  probability  is  that  the 
two  armies  would  have  formed  a  junction,  and  made 
a  strong  establishment  in  the  Highlands.  This  would 
very  much  have  interrupted  the  communication  be 
tween  the  Eastern  and  the  Southern  States,  and  have 
afforded  great  facilities  to  the  operations  of  Sir  Wil 
liam  Howe  in  Pennsylvania. 

How  long  they  could  have  continued  in  possession 
of  this  important  communication,  would  have  depend 
ed  on  the  spirit,  the  energy,  and  the  patriotism  of  the 
New  England  States. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  not  having  sufficient  force  to 
retain  his  conquests  in  the  Highlands,  returned  to 
New- York ;  and  his  retreat  every  where  exhibited 
the  most  wanton  marks  of  plunder,  burning,  and  deso 
lation. 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER  XII. 

VALLEY-FORGE. — SUFFERINGS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY. 

1777-8. 

AFTER  the  close  of  the  successful  campaign  at  the 
northward,  the  eighth  Massachusetts  regiment  was 
ordered,  with  other  troops  of  General  Gates's  army,  to 
march  to  Pennsylvania  and  reinforce  the  army  under 
General  Washington,  at  Whitemarsh.  "  When  the 
order  was  communicated  to  our  regiment,"  says 
Major  Hull,  "  a  feeling  of  disappointment  was  appa 
rent.  It  was  now  November,  the  usual  season  for 
the  troops  to  enjoy  the  comforts  of  winter-quarters. 
They  felt  that  they  had  done  enough  for  one  cam 
paign.  The  regiment  had  early  in  the  spring  marched 
from  Boston  to  Ticonderoga  ;  had  retreated  through 
a  wilderness  from  that  place  to  the  Hudson  ;  had 
marched  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Stanwix,  on  the  Mo 
hawk  ;  had  returned,  and  been  engaged  in  all  the 
battles  that  were  fought  with  General  Burgoyne's 
army. 

"  After  this  severe  service,  by  which  the  most 
important  advantages  had  been  rendered  to  their 
country,  they  expected  to  rest  from  their  toils.  Many 
hoped  to  be  indulged  in  a  visit  to  their  friends,  and 
realize  the  pleasing  anticipations  of  relating  to  them 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

the  wonderful  scenes  through  which  they  had  passed 
— their  '  hair-breadth  'scapes,'  and  the  glorious  re 
sults  of  their  efforts  ;  to  show  their  honourable  scars, 
and  to  sympathize  with  the  friends  of  those  who  had 
fallen  around  them  in  battle.  But  a  sense  of  duty 
checked  these  natural  feelings,  and  without  a  mur 
mur,  with  cheerful  submission  to  orders,  they  marched, 
at  this  inclement  season,  to  afford  aid  to  their  com 
panions,  and  gratify  the  wishes  of  the  beloved  leader 
of  the  armies  of  his  country. 

"  It  was  shortly  after  the  battles  of  Brandywine 
and  Germantown,  in  which  the  Americans  had  been 
repulsed,  •  that  the  interesting  meeting  of  the  two 
armies  took  place.  One  had  encountered  defeat  in 
its  operations ;  the  other  had  triumphed  in  victory. 
Yet  if  skill,  bravery,  and  resolution  could  command 
success,  the  troops  of  Washington  had  richly  deserved 
it.  But  no  presumption  was  exhibited  on  the  one 
side,  nor  envy  on  the  other.  The  kindest  feelings 
mutually  prevailed  throughout  the  camp. 

"  A  few  days  after  the  junction  of  the  two  armies, 
General  Howe  marched  out  from  Philadelphia  with 
his  principal  force,  and  took  a  position  about  two 
miles  in  front  of  the  American  lines. 

"  From  this  movement,  it  became  apparent  that  his 
object  was  a  general  engagement.  A  strong  posi 
tion  had  been  taken  by  Washington,  which  he  deem 
ed  it  expedient  to  retain.  He  was  diligent  in  review 
ing  his  troops  ;  expressed  the  conviction  that  a  gene 
ral  action  was  now  to  take  place,  and  his  confidence 
that  it  would  result  in  victory  to  the  American  arms. 
8 


]]4  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

He  suggested  every  consideration  that  could  excite 
the  ambition  and  animate  the  spirit  of  his  army.  He 
first  addressed  himself  to  those  he  had  commanded  in 
person  during  the  campaign,  and  informed  them,  that 
an  opportunity  was  now  presented,  and  he  was  as 
sured  that  nothing  else  but  such  an  opportunity  was 
wanting,  to  demonstrate  that  they  were  equal  in  pa 
triotism  and  valour  to  the  conquerors  from  the  north, 
who  were  now  to  fight  by  their  sides.  To  the  north 
ern  troops  he  said,  that  they  would  now  have  it  in  their 
power  to  add  fresh  laurels  to  those  they  had  gathered 
with  so  much  honour  to  themselves  and  glory  to  the 
nation.  He  then  called  on  all,  as  they  regarded  the 
freedom  and  independence  of  their  country,  the  fame 
of  its  arms,  and  its  future  happiness  and  prosperity, 
to  decide  on  the  manly  resolution  of  meeting  death 
or  victory  in  the  impending  conflict.  The  earnest 
ness,  the  energy,  and  the  ardour  with  which  he 
spoke  ;  the  self-devotion  which  his  whole  manner 
expressed,  had  an  effect  which  it  is  impossible  to  de 
scribe.  Every  man  believed  himself  a  hero,  and  per 
haps  the  opportunity  was  only  wanting,  to  prove  that 
his  thoughts  were  not  far  from  the  truth. 

The  first  day,  the  enemy  appeared  to  be  recon- 
noitering  our  right,  and  making  demonstration,  as  if 
to  commence  an  attack  on  that  quarter.  They 
then  changed  their  position,  and  moved  their  princi 
pal  force  to  our  left,  where  the  northern  troops  were 
stationed,  and  advanced  within  less  than  a  mile  of  it. 
Not  a  doubt  now  remained,  but  that  the  attack  would 
be  made  in  that  quarter  the  following  morning.  Mor- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

gan's  corps  of  riflemen,  with  some  Pennsylvania  mi 
litia,  were  engaged  with  light  parties  of  the  British, 
between  the  lines  of  the  two  armies.  Major  Morris, 
a  brave  and  valuable  officer,  who  had  served  in  the 
northern  campaign,  was  killed,  with  many  of  his 
men.  As  General  Washington  did  not  think  proper 
to  reinforce  these  troops,  and  thus  risk  a  battle  on 
that  ground,  Morgan  was  obliged  to  retreat.  The 
enemy  made  no  further  advances,  but  returned  to 
Philadelphia.  Every  disposition  of  their  forces  on 
this  occasion  indicated,  that  it  was  the  intention  of 
Sir  William  Howe  to  bring  the  Americans  to  a  gene 
ral  engagement.  He  was  probably  deterred  by  the 
strong  position  General  Washington  had  taken,  and 
likewise  from  a  knowledge  of  the  fact,  that  his  army 
had  been  reinforced  by  troops  from  the  north. 

"  It  must  have  been  evident  to  the  British  Gene 
ral,  that  the  American  Commander  had  no  desire  to 
avoid  an  action,  provided  he  was  attacked  in  the  po 
sition  he  had  t alien. 

"  General  Washington  now  marched  towards  the 
Schuylkill,  and  on  the  twelfth  of  December  crossed 
to  the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  halted  at  Valley 
Forge,  about  twenty  miles  from  Philadelphia. 

"  The  ground  selected  for  the  encampment  was 
covered  with  woods,  and  bounded  on  one  side  by  the 
Schuylkill,  on  the  other  by  ridges  of  hills.  General 
Washington  informed  the  army,  that  this  was  the 
place  for  their  winter  quarters.  There  were  no 
houses,  nor  materials  provided  to  build  barracks. 
Axes  were  furnished  to  fell  the  trees,  and  in  a  little 
time  log  huts  were  erected  to  shelter  the  troops. 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

"  Not  a  murmur  or  complaint  was  heard ;  all 
cheerfully  engaged  in  the  labour,  and  soon  the  army 
was  comfortably  established.  The  huts  were  gene 
rally  fourteen  by  sixteen  feet.  Twelve  privates  were 
allowed  a  hut,  and  the  number  of  officers  according 
to  their  rank.  A  General  was  entitled  to  a  hut  by 
himself.  The  encampment  was  regularly  laid  out ; 
the  streets  ran  in  parallel  lines ;  neatness  and  order 
prevailed  ;  and  in  viewing  it  from  the  hills,  it  had  the 
appearance  of  a  little  city. 

"  To  render  the  condition  of  the  soldiers  more 
like  home,  General  Washington  directed  that  regi 
ments  from  the  same  State  should  occupy  a  certain 
street  or  division  of  the  camp.  The  whole  of  the 
location  was  surrounded  by  intrenchments,  and  a 
bridge  was  thrown  over  the  Schuylkill,  to  preserve 
the  communication  with  the  country,  and  to  afford 
facilities  to  supplies  for  the  army. 

"  Lieutenant-Colonel  Brooks  united  with  me  in 
preparing  our  new  home. 

"  The  hut  we  occupied  consisted  of  one  room. 
This  was  dining-room,  parlour,  kitchen,  and  hall. 
On  one  side,  shelves  were  put  up  for  our  books,  hav 
ing  been  so  fortunate  as  to  purchase  a  part  of  a  cir 
culating  library  that  had  been  brought  from  Phila 
delphia.  On  another  stood  a  row  of  Derby  cheeses, 
sent  from  Connecticut  by  my  mother ;  a  luxury  of 
which  the  camp  could  rarely  boast,  and  with  which 
visiters  to  the  hut  were  often  regaled  To  give  an 
air  of  greater  comfort,  we  mixed  some  clay  and  wa 
ter,  and  with  this  preparation  painted  the  domicil, 
which  our  neighbours  now  declared  to  be  quite  an 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  \\*] 

elegant  mansion."  Mrs.  Washington  was  with  her 
husband  a  part  of  the  winter.  She  writes  thus  to  a 
friend  ;  "  The  General's  apartment  is  very  small,  he 
has  had  a  log  cabin  built  to  dine  in,  which  has  made 
our  quarters  much  more  tolerable  than  they  were  at 
first." 

But  while  endeavouring  to  afford  to  their  situa 
tion  and  that  of  others,  every  possible  alleviation, 
famine  and  its  natural  consequence,  mutiny,  were 
threatening  the  army  with  dissolution. 

At  this  moment  General  Washington  received  in 
formation  that  Sir  William  Howe-  had  crossed  the 
Schuylkill  with  a  large  body  of  troops,  and  advanced 
as  far  as  Darby,  to  collect  a  quantity  of  forage,  be 
tween  the  American  camp  and  that  place. 

The  possession  of  the  forage  was  so  important  to 
the  British,  that  it  was  expected  that  General  Wash 
ington  would  detach  a  superior  force,  to  prevent  its 
being  obtained. 

His  trying  situation  is  best  described  by  his  letter 
to  Congress  at  that  time. 

"Yesterday  afternoon,  receiving  information  that 
the  enemy,  in  force,  had  left  the  city  and  were  ad 
vancing  towards  Darby,  with  the  apparent  design  to 
forage  and  draw  subsistence  from  that  part  of  the 
country,  I  ordered  the  troops  to  be  in  readiness, 
that  I  might  give  every  opposition  in  my  power ; 
when  behold,  to  my  great  mortification,  I  .was  not 
only  informed,  but  convinced,  that  the  men  were  un 
able  to  stir  on  account  of  provisions,  and  that  a  dan 
gerous  mutiny  began  the  night  before,  and  which, 
though  with  difficulty  suppressed  by  the  spirited  exer- 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

tions  of  some  officers,  was  still  much  to  be  apprehend 
ed,  for  the  want  of  this  article.  This  brought  forth 
the  only  Commissary  in  the  purchasing  line  in  this 
camp ;  and  with  him,  this  melancholy  and  alarming 
truth,  that  he  had  not  a  single  hoof  of  any  kind  to 
slaughter — and  not  more  than  twenty-five  barrels  of 
flour !  From  hence,  form  an  opinion  of  our  situation, 
when  1  add,  that  he  could  not  tell  when  to  expect 
any.  All  I  could  do  under  these  circumstances  was, 
to  send  out  a  few  light  parties,  to  watch  and  harass 
the  enemy,  whilst  other  parties  were  instantly  de 
tached  in  different  ways  to  collect,  if  possible,  as 
much  provision  as  would  satisfy  the  present  pressing 
wants  of  the  soldiery.  But  will  this  answer  ?  No? 
sir  ;  three  or  four  days  of  bad  weather  would  prove 
our  destruction." 

Extracts  from  two  letters,  received  by  General 
Washington  on  the  twenty-second  of  December,  will 
be  enough  to  show  the  grounds  upon  which  these 
statements  are  made. 

"  I  received  an  order,"  writes  General  Hunting- 
ton,  "  to  hold  my  brigade  in  readiness  to  march. 
Fighting  will  be  far  preferable  to  starving.  My  bri 
gade  is  out  of  provisions,  nor  can  the  Commissary 
obtain  any  meat.  I  am  exceedingly  unhappy  in 
being  the  bearer  of  complaints  to  head-quarters.  I 
have  used  every  argument  my  imagination  can  invent, 
to  make  the  soldiers  easy,  but  I  despair  of  being  able 
to  do  it  much  longer."* 

The  next  is  from  General  Varnum — "  Accord- 

*  The  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  V.,  page  197, 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  ^9 

ing  to  the  saying  of  Solomon,  hunger  will  break 
through  a  stone  wall.  It  is  therefore  a  very  pleasing 
circumstance  to  the  division  under  my  command, 
that  there  is  a  probability  of  their  marching.  Three 
days  successively  we  have  been  destitute  of  bread. 
Two  days  we  have  been  entirely  without  meat.  The 
men  must  be  supplied  or  they  cannot  be  commanded. 
The  complaints  are  too  urgent  to  pass  unnoticed. 
It  is  with  pain  I  mention  this  distress.  I  know  it 
will  make  your  Excellency  unhappy,  but  if  you  ex 
pect  the  exertion  of  virtuous  principle,  while  your 
troops  are  deprived  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  your 
final  disappointment  will  be  great,  in  proportion  to 
the  patience  which  now  astonishes  every  man  of 
human  feeling."4 

General  Washington  finding  himself  unable  to  do 
more,  now  sent  out  small  detachments  to  reinforce 
Morgan's  riflemen  and  Lee's  cavalry,  with  some 
Pennsylvania  militia,  who  were  advanced  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Schuylkill. 

Major  Hull  was  directed  to  march  on  t]|is  service, 
with  three  hundred  men,  and  receive  his  orders  from 
Colonel  Morgan. 

During  the  week  the  British  were  engaged  in 
collecting  forage,  we  hovered  around,  availing  of  every 
opportunity  to  annoy  and  harass  them.  The  weather 
was  intensely  cold  ;  the  troops  were  twenty  miles 
from  the  camp,  and  directly  in  the  face  of  the  enemy. 
They  were  in  almost  constant  motion,  and  at  night 

*  The  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  V.,  page  193. 


120  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

could  keep  no  fires  or  light  of  any  kind  lest  they 
should  be  discovered  by  the  enemy.  Their  safety 
depended  on  their  vigilance.  They  rarely  entered  a 
house,  and  only  kept  from  freezing  by  activity,  and 
incessant  marching  from  one  point  to  another. 

Frequent  rencounters  with  light  parties  of  the  en 
emy  occurred,  which  usually  terminated  favourably 
to  the  Americans,  and  i  n  the  capture  of  prisoners. 
When  Sir  William  Howe  returned  to  Philadelphia, 
we  followed  in  his  rear  for  some  distance  ;  but  the 
necessity  for  further  effort  ceasing,  we  retired  to  the 
encampment,  and  found  our  hut  a  very  agreeable  ex 
change  for  the  exposed  condition  which  the  peculiar 
service  had  required. 

But  though  the  army  was  now  relieved  of  an  out 
ward  enemy,  there  was  an  internal  foe  more  difficult 
to  combat,  more  insufferable  in  its  demands  on  their 
remaining  strength :  it  was  famine.  Day  after  day 
passed  and  no  provisions  were  issued.*  At  first  the 
privation  caused  a  little  excitement  and  inquiry  from 
the  soldiers  as  to  the  cause.  They  were  informed  by 
the  officers  that  the  provisions  were  exhausted,  and 
the  heavy  rains  having  rendered  the  roads  almost  im 
passable  for  the  wagons,  the  supplies  had  not  arrived, 
but  were  hourly  expected.  This  satisfied  them  at 
first,  but  day  after  day  passing  without  any  relief, 
their  complaints  became  louder  and  more  serious. 

*  Much  of  this  distress  was  occa-  had  been  opposed  by  General  Wash- 

sioned  by  Congress  having  ordered  ington,  who  foresaw  the  danger,  but 

a  change  in  the  Commissary's  de-  was  unable  to  convince  others  of  its 

partment.     An  arrangement,  which  reality. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

They  began  to  assemble,  first  by  regiments,  to  con 
sult  as  to  the  measures  they  should  adopt ;  the  excite 
ment  soon  extended  to  Brigades  and  Divisions  of  the 
army.  The  officers  made  no  attempt  to  exercise  their 
authority,  but  only  used  advice.  The  soldiers  were 
told  that  General  Washington  was  their  best  friend ; 
that  he  perfectly  knew  their  situation,  and  deeply 
sympathized  in  their  sufferings,  "and  was  doing  every 
thing  in  his  power  to  relieve  them.  He  informed 
them  that  provisions  would  soon  arrive  in  the  camp, 
and  in  the  meanwhile,  insubordination  on  their  part, 
would  only  lead  to  unhappy  consequences. 

The  soldiers  replied  that  they  perfectly  knew  the 
impropriety  of  such  a  step  in  ordinary  cases,  but  to 
prevent  actual  starvation,  something  must  be  done  for 
their  relief.  They  had  been  told  some  days  before, 
that  provisions  were  expected,  but  this  did  not  satisfy 
the  cravings  of  hunger.  They  then  communicated 
to  us  the  plan  on  which  they  had  decided,  and  in 
which  most  of  the  army  concurred.  Their  determi 
nation  was,  to  march  in  an  orderly  manner  into  the 
country,  collect  sufficient  provisions,  wherever  they 
were  to  be  found,  to  supply  their  present  necessities, 
and  to  give  certificates  as  to  the  quantity  and  value, 
to  those  from  whom  they  were  taken.  They  would 
then  return  to  the  cantonment  and  their  duty.  The 
troops  were  desired  to  suspend  this  movement  for  an 
hour,  until  their  distressed  condition  was  again  repre 
sented  to  their  General.  They  consented.  When 
the  officers  made  this  communication  to  General 
Washington,  he  was  deeply  affected.  He  said,  that 


122  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

he  well  knew  the  sufferings  of  his  faithful  soldiers ; 
that  he  admired  their  forbearance  and  moderation, 
and  would  now  assure  them  that  if  by  such  an  hour 
the  wagons  did  not  arrive,  he  himself  would  lead  the 
troops  into  the  country,  and  supply  them  with  pro 
visions  wherever  they  might  be  found. 

The  soldiers  agreed  to  wait :  the  provisions  ar 
rived  within  the  time,  and  the  settled  dissatisfaction 
which  so  generally  prevailed,  and  which  foreboded 
such  fatal  consequences,  was  quieted  for  the  present. 

But  afterwards  the  same  distress  recurred.  The 
army  was  sometimes  a  week  without  receiving  meat 
of  any  kind. 

Another  letter  from  General  Washington,  written 
at  a  subsequent  period,  will  show  the  miserable  desti 
tution  of  that  army,  which  was  appointed  for  the 
defence,  and  looked  to  as  the  protector  of  the  nation. 

"  For  some  days  past  there  has  been  little  less 
than  a  famine  in  the  camp.  A  part  of  the  army  has 
been  a  week  without  any  kind  of  flesh,  and  the  rest 
three  or  four  days.  Naked  and  starving  as  they 
are,  we  cannot  enough  admire  the  incomparable  pa 
tience  ano\  fidelity  of  the  soldiery,  that  they  have  not 
been  ere  this  excited  by  their  suffering  to  a  general 
mutiny  and  dispersion.  Strong  symptoms,  however, 
of  discontent  have  appeared  in  particular  instances  ; 
and  nothing  but  the  most  active  efforts  everywhere 
can  long  avert  so  shocking  a  catastrophe."  * 


*  Letter  to  Governor  George  Clinton,  February  16, 1778.     "  Writings 
of  Washington,"  Vol.  V.,  page  239. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

"  Such  was  the  scarcity  of  blankets,  that  many  of 
the  men  were  obliged  to  sit  up  all  night  by  the  fires, 
without. covering,  to  protect  them  while  taking  the 
common  refreshment  of  sleep.  Although  the  officers 
were  better  provided,  yet  none  were  exempt  from 
exposure,  privations,  and  hardships.  Notwithstanding 
this  deplorable  condition  of  the  army,  there  were  not 
wanting  those  who  complained  of  its  inactivity,  and 
insisted  on  a  winter  campaign.  When  the  encamp 
ment  was  begun  at  Valley  Forge,  the  whole  number 
of  men  in  the  field  was  eleven  thousand  and  ninety- 
eight  ;  of  whom  two  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
ninety-eight  were  unfit  for  duty,  being  barefoot,  and 
otherwise  naked."  * 

In  the  midst  of  these  calamities,  the  small-pox 
broke  out  in  the  camp.  Those  who  had  never  taken 
the  infection  were  innoculated.  Destitute  of  the 
comforts  so  much  needed  in  this  dreadful  disease ; 
lodged  in  huts  illy  calculated  for  sickness ;  without  a 
proper  supply  of  blankets,  and  the  necessary  articles 
of  clothing  to  shield  the  unhappy  sufferers  from  the 
cold,  the  camp  exhibited  a  scene  of  misery  which  it 
is  not  in  the  power  of  language  to  describe. 

Had  Sir  William  Howe  attacked  our  army  under 
this  accumulation  of  wretchedness  and  want,  he 
would  have  forced  General  Washington  from  his  can 
tonment  ;  the  sick  and  the  feeble  must  have  become 
prisoners,  and  in  retreating  to  the  back  part  of  Penn 
sylvania,  to  which  step  necessity  would  have  com- 

*  Sparks'  Life  and  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  I.,  page  277. 


124  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

pelled  him,  he  could  have  carried  but  little  more  than 
the  shadow  of  an  army. 

But  while  so  direful  a  calamity  was  averted  by  an 
overruling  Providence,  a  new  trial  awaited  General 
Washington  in  his  perilous  and  difficult  course. 

A  faction  wras  forming,  the  object  of  which  was, 
to  make  an  impression  on  the  public  mind  that  he 
was  not  equal  to  the  important  duties  of  his  station. 
This  faction  was  composed  of  several  officers  of  the 
army,  of  high  rank,  some  members  of  Congress,  and 
a  few  persons  of  political  distinction  in  the  different 
States.  General  Conway,  a  foreigner,  was  conspi 
cuous  in  this  cabal.  To  create  a  prejudice  against 
Washington,  his  retreat  from  New-York  into  Penn 
sylvania,  his  retreat  from  the  head  of  Elk,  his  defeat 
at  the  battles  of  JBrandywine  and  Germantown,  with 
other  circumstances  of  his  conduct,  represented  in  the 
most  unfavourable  colours,  were  circulated  with  great 
industry.  General  Gates  was  designated  to  succeed 
him.  He  was,  represented  as  a  great  and  consum 
mate  commander.  The  splendid  victories  of  the 
north,  by  which  a  great  army  had  been  captured, 
were  owing  to  the  wisdom  of  his  arrangements  ;  and 
that  were  he  the  Commander-in-chief,  the  war  would 
be  conducted  by  the  same  wisdom,  and  the  same  glo 
rious  results  would  be  produced. 

The  address  and  talents  of  the  leaders  of  this  fac 
tion,  made  little  impression  on  the  public  mind ;  and 
the  momentary  mist  cleared  away,  like  the  morning 
dew  before  the  splendour  of  the  sun.  Even  the 
northern  army,  which  had  been  commanded  by  Ge- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

neral  Gates,  and  from  which  he  had  great  hopes  of 
support,  was  indignant,  and  steadily  adhered  to  their 
old  and  beloved  Commander. 

Some  time  after,  General  Conway  was  wounded 
in  a  duel.  He  believed  he  was  dying.  In  that 
solemn  hour,  ambition  ceased  to  be  the  ruling  pas 
sion  of  his  soul ;  and,  sensible  of  his  injustice,  he 
thus  wrote  to  General  Washington  : 

"  I  find  myself  just  able  to  hold  my  pen,  during 
a  few  minutes,  and  take  this  opportunity  of  express 
ing  my  sincere  grief,  for  having  done,  written  or  said 
any  thing  disagreeable  to  your  Excellency.  My  ca 
reer  will  soon  be  over,  therefore  justice  and  truth 
prompt  me  to  declare  my  last  sentiments.  You  are 
in  my  eyes,  the  great  and  good  man.  May  you  long 
enjoy  the  love,  veneration,  and  esteem  of  these 
States,  whose  liberties  you  have  asserted  by  your 
virtues. 

"  I  am,  with  the  greatest  respect,  &c. 

"THOMAS  CONWAY."* 

Other  letters  have  been  published,  which  give  the 
details  of  this  abortive  attempt  to  darken,  if  not  de 
stroy  the  fame  of  the  leader  of  our  armies. 

It  was  evident  to  all,  that  General  Washington 
felt  more  concern  on  account  of  the  public  evils  which 
must  ensue,  by  creating  divisions  in  the  army  and 
country,  than  from  any  effects  by  which  he  might  be 
personally  implicated. 

*  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  V.,  page  517. 


126  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

BARON  STETJBEN  APPOINTED  A  MAJOR-GENERAL  IN  THE  ARMY. — LAFAYETTE 
SENT  WITH  A  DETACHMENT  TO  WATCH  THE  ENEMY. — HlS  ESCAPE  FROM 
THE  BRITISH  ARMY. — MAJOR  HULL  IN  THE  DETACHMENT  SENT  TO  REINFORCE 
HIM. — MEETING  OF  LAFAYETTE  AND  GENERAL  HULL  IN  1824. 

1777-8. 

SOON  after  the  establishment  of  the  cantonment 
at  Valley  Forge,  Baron  Steuben  was  appointed  by 
Congress  a  Major-General  in  the  army.  General 
Conway  had  resigned  his  situation  of  Inspector-Gen 
eral,  after  the  defeat  of  the  faction  in  which  he  had 
been  a  leader,  and  his  office  was  now  filled  by  Baron 
Steuben. 

This  officer  had  served  a  number  of  campaigns  in 
the  armies  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  and  came  highly 
recommended  to  this  country.  He  was  perfectly 
familiar  with  the  military  tactics  of  the  Prussian  King, 
and  established  the  same  in  our  army  as  far  as  they 
would  apply  to  its  circumstances  and  organization. 
They  were  simple  and  uniform.  He  considered  no 
part  of  the  manual  exercise  essential,  except  to  han 
dle  the  firelock  in  such  a  manner  as  to  have  the  entire 
control  of  it,  to  load,  take  good  aim,  and  fire  as  fast 
as  possible.  He  likewise  taught  one  uniform  mode 
of  forming  columns,  and  drawing  up  in  a  line  in  any 
direction  the  situation  of  the  enemy  rendered  expe- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

dient ;  either  in  front,  to  the  right  flank,  the  left 
flank,  or  the  rear. 

Major  Hull,  among  other  field  officers,  was  ap 
pointed  to  assist  him  in  these  duties,  and  from  his 
teachings  they  received  much  valuable  instruction. 

The  advantages  of  the  system  soon  became  appa 
rent.  Under  the  simple  and  beautiful  exercises  he 
introduced,  the  army  moved  like  a  great  machine, 
whose  various  parts  unite  to  form  a  perfect  whole. 

On  questions  of  military  discipline,  Steuben  is 
appealed  to,  and  his  authority  viewed  as  decisive. 
His  system  has  been  adopted  in  the  training  of  the 
militia,  our  great  national  defence,  and  has  been  a 
powerful  means  of  rendering  it  efficient.  As  long  as 
his  cotemporaries  live,  his  talents  and  exertions  will 
be  remembered,  while  his  name  and  his  works  will 
descend  to  posterity,  among  other  great  instruments 
which  gave  peace,  independence,  and  prosperity  to 
our  country. 

Baron  Steuben  was  amiable  and  intelligent,  and 
highly  respected  by  all  who  knew  him.  On  the  es 
tablishment  of  peace,  he  retired  to  the  western  part 
of  the  State  of  New- York,  and  resided  in  the  town 
of  Steuben,  named  in  honor  of  him.  In  this  chosen 
spot  he  spent  the  residue  of  his  days. 

General  Washington  having  received  information 
which  indicated  an  intention  on  the  part  of  the  Bri 
tish  to  evacuate  Philadelphia,  selected  about  twenty- 
five  hundred  of  his  best  troops,  giving  the  command 
of  them  to  Major-General  Lafayette. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  May  this  detachment  crossed 


128  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  Schuylkill  to  the  east,  and  proceeded  down  the 
river,  about  eleven  miles  towards  Philadelphia.  Gen 
eral  Washington's  instructions  to  Lafayette  were, 
"  The  detachment  under  your  command,  with  which 
you  will  immediately  march  towards  the  enemy's 
lines,  is  designed  to  answer  the  following  purpose, 
namely  :  to  be  a  security  to  this  camp,  and  a  cover 
to  the  country  between  the  Delaware  and  Schuyl 
kill,  to  interrupt  the  communication  with  Philadel 
phia,  to  obstruct  the  incursions  of  the  enemy's  parties, 
and  to  obtain  intelligence  of  their  motions  and  de 
signs." 

Sir  William  Howe  having  been  advised  of  this 
movement,  and  of  the  situation  of  the  Marquis, 
formed  the  design  of  capturing  the  whole  detach 
ment.  To  effect  this  he  divided  his  army  into  three 
bodies,  the  right  commanded  by  General  Grant,  the 
left  by  General  Grey,  and  the  centre  by  himself  and 
Sir  Henry  Clinton.  He  directed  General  Grant, 
whose  force  consisted  of  five  thousand  men,  to  take 
the  Delaware  road,  make  a  circuitous  march  to  White- 
marsh,  and  at  daylight  in  the  morning,  to  take  a  po 
sition  directly  in  the  rear  of  the  Marquis.  General 
Grey  was  ordered  to  proceed  up  the  road,  on  the  east 
of  the  Schuylkill,  and  halt  directly  in  front ;  and  the 
centre  division,  under  hisown  command,  to  occupy 
ground  on  the  left  flank  of  the  Marquis's  detachment. 
These  movements  having  been  executed  by  the  ene 
my,  the  Marquis  at  once  saw  his  danger  ;  his  little 
army  was  surrounded  on  three  sides,  and  each  body 
of  the  enemy  superior  in  numbers  to  his  whole  de 
tachment. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

With  the  most  perfect  calmness  and  intrepidity, 
which  inspired  his  officers  with  confidence  in  his  skill 
and  power  to  extricate  himself,  he  immediately  or 
dered  a  retreat  to  Matson's  ford,  as  the  road  to 
Swede's  ford  was  then  occupied  by  the  enemy.  A 
wood  separated  him  from  the  division  of  General 
Grant.  Lafayette  masked  his  retreat  by  sending  out 
small  parties  into  the  wood,  that  they  might  show 
themselves  as  heads  of  columns  moving  against  the 
front  of  Grant's  division. 

This  ruse  de  guerre  succeeded  admirably ;  for, 
while  the  attention  of  the  enemy  was  distracted  and 
their  progress  delayed,  Lafayette  made  good  use 
of  the  time,  gained  the  ford,  crossed  the  river,  and 
posted  himself  in  a  strong  position  on  the  western 
side.  General  Washington  received  information  of 
the  advance  of  the  British  army  before  the  Marquis 
retreated.  Alarm  guns  were  fired  in  the  camp,  and 
a  detachment  sent  to  reinforce  him.  Major  Hull  was 
with  this  detachment.  It  arrived  and  met  the  retreat 
ing  troops  near  the  ford,  just  after  they  had  crossed 
the  river.  The  British  were  on  the  opposite  bank  ; 
they  soon,  however,  returned  to  Philadelphia,  without 
having  gained  their  expected  prize. 

Some  skirmishing  took  place,  while  the  detach 
ment  was  crossing  the  river.  The  loss  on  our  part 
was  not  more  than  nine  or  ten  men.  Two  of  the 
enemy's  light-horse  were  killed,  and  several  wounded. 
Lafayette  was  taken  by  surprise  ;  but  the  surprise  is 
no  reflection  on  his  foresight  or  military  skill.  It  was 
owing  to  the  negligence  of  a  body  of  six  hundred 

9 


]30  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL  ] 

militia,  stationed  at  Whitemarsh,  to  give  information 
of  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  They  had  aban 
doned  their  post  of  duty,  without  the  Marquis's  orders 
or  knowledge.  This  enabled  General  Grant  to  ad 
vance  and  gain  his  rear,  from  which  dangerous  situ 
ation  the  youthful  General  extricated  his  detachment 
by  his  calmness,  skill,  and  celerity,  in  the  critical 
moment  of  impending  capture. 

The  Marquis  de  Lafayette  was  a  young  noble 
man  of  one  of  the  most  ancient  and  respectable 
families  of  France.  Under  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years,  a  Captain  in  the  armies  of  his  country,  ardent 
for  military  fame,  and  before  an  alliance  had  been 
formed  with  this  nation  in  1776,  he  offered  his  ser 
vices  to  the  American  Commissioners,  then  in  Paris. 
He  considered  the  cause  of  America  as  just ;  that  she 
was  contending  for  her  rights  ;  importuned  for  years 
before,  in  a  spirit  of  loyal  forbearance,  touching  to 
every  generous  heart.  His  sympathies  and  his  love 
of  republican  principles  were  enlisted  in  her  behalf. 
At  first  his  offer  was  accepted ;  but  shortly  after, 
intelligence  of  new  misfortunes  arrived  ;  and  so  dark 
was  the  cloud  which  then  hung  over  the  destinies  of 
our  country,  that  all  hopes  of  success  in  the  Revolution 
seemed  extinct,  and  the  Commissioners  generously 
endeavoured  to  dissuade  him  from  his  purpose.  "No," 
replied  the  noble  Lafayette,  "  this  is  the  very  moment 
to  serve  your  cause." 

Nor  was  his  ardour  damped  when  they  were 
"  obliged  to  acknowledge  to  him  the  humiliating  fact, 
that  they  possessed  not  the  means  nor  the  credit  suffi- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

cient  for  procuring  a  single  vessel  in  all  the  ports  of 
France,  '  Then,'  exclaimed  the  youthful  hero,  '  I  will- 
provide  my  own  !' — and  it  is  a  literal  fact,  that  when 
all  America  was  too  poor  to  offer  him  so  much  as  a 
passage  to  her  shores,  he  left,  in  his  tender  youth,  the 
bosom  of  home,  of  happiness,  of  wealth,  and  of  rank, 
to  plunge  in  the  dust  and  blood  of  our  inauspicious 
struggle."* 

As  a  volunteer  he  arrived  among  us.  He  first 
distinguished  himself  in  the  battles  of  Brandywine 
and  Germantown,  where  he  was  twice  wounded. 
In  1777,  he  was  appointed  by  Congress  a  Major- 
General.  Lafayette  was  amiable,  modest,  indus 
trious,  and  skilled  in  his  profession.  His  fortune  was 
expended  in  our  service,  and  he  successfully  employed 
every  talent,  to  perform  his  duties,  and  reward  the 
high  confidence  which  had  been  reposed  in  him.  He 
was  beloved  and  greatly  respected  in  the  army  ;  nor 
were  these  feelings  less  lively,  nor  less  sincere,  among 
a  long  list  of  old  officers  whom  he  had  superseded  in 
rank.  But  his  services  were  not  confined  to  military 
duty.  He  returned  to  France,  and  by  his  represen 
tations,  his  zeal  and  influence,  he  not  only  aided  in 
procuring  for  us  arms,  clothing,  and  loans,  but  was 
instrumental  in  convincing  the  King  and  his  minis 
ters,  of  the  advantage  of  forming  an  alliance  with 
America,  and  assisting  her  with  her  fleets  and  armies. 
His  name  is  identified  with  the  glorious  triumph  of 


*  Oration  of  Edward  Everett,  be-    Cambridge,  Mass.,  August  27, 1824, 
fore  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  Society  at    General  Lafayette  being  present. 


132 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


the  Revolution ;  he  is  viewed  as  one  of  the  founders 
of  our  national  existence  ;  and  his  memory  lives  in 
the  heart  of  every  true  American.* 


*  When  General  Lafayette  was 
in  Boston  in  1824,  it  was  the  happi 
ness  of  General  Hull,  to  receive,  by 
General  Lafayette's  appointment,  a 
visit  from  his  old  companion  in  arms. 
The  venerable  warriors  met.  The 
recollection  of  the  past  crowded  on 
their  minds,  and  the  scene  was  one 
of  touching  solemnity.  But  the 
youth  of  two  generations  were  be 
fore  them,  and  their  warm  sympa 


thies  soon  flowed  into  the  channel  of 
present  enjoyment.  The  children 
and  the  grand-children  of  General 
Hull  were  honoured  with  the  atten 
tion  of  Lafayette ;  and  who  that  ever 
witnessed  his  warm  reception  of  the 
friends  of  his  youth,  and  his  affec 
tionate  manner  to  children,  can  be  in 
sensible  to  the  feelings  of  that  hour, 
in  which  the  interests  of  three  gen 
erations  were  concentrated ! 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  J33 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  MONMOUTH. 

1778. 

ON  the  seventeenth  of  June,  the  British  army 
evacuated  Philadelphia,  under  the  command  of  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  and  passed  into  New  Jersey.  Gen 
eral  Washington  was  then  at  Valley  Forge.  His 
force  numbered  rather  more  than  that  of  the  British. 
As  the  enemy  slowly  advanced  up  the  Delaware,  he 
manifested  an  intention  of  marching  to  New- York. 
It  was  however  difficult  to  ascertain  the  route  *he 
would  take.  General  Washington  called  a  council 
of  officers  to  deliberate,  whether  it  was  expedient  to 
march  and  take  a  position  on  his  front  or  his  flank,  so 
as  to  bring  on  a  general  action,  or  only  to  harass  his 
flank  and  rear  with  light  parties.  General  Lee,  who 
had  been  exchanged,  was  one  of  the  council.  Being 
next  to  Washington  in  rank,  and  possessing  great 
military  experience,  his  opinion  had  much  weight. 
He  contended  that,  under  the  circumstances,  the 
Fabian  policy  was  expedient.  He  urged  that  the 
alliance  with  France  rendered  our  independence 
certain,  and  the  possibility  of  failure  in  a  general 
battle,  ought  not  to  be  hazarded.  A  majority  of  the 
officers  coincided  with  him,  Washington  held  oppo- 


134  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

site  views,  and  was  sustained  by  many  of  his  officers? 
among  whom  were  Generals  Lafayette,  Steuben, 
Greene,  and  Wayne.  He  remarked,  that  in  an  open 
country,  a  pursuing  army  had  the  advantage  of  one 
retreating ;  that  the  British  were  ineumbered  with 
invalids  and  baggage ;  that  the  most  direct  road  to 
Amboy  was  a  long  march ;  and  concluded  by  saying^ 
that  so  favourable  an  opportunity  for  attack,  ought 
not  to  be  lost. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  having  commenced  his  march 
through  New  Jersey,  General  Washington  detached 
General  Maxwell's  brigade,  in  conjunction  with  the 
militia  of  that  State,  to  impede  and  interrupt  his  pro- 
gress  ;  that  time  might  thereby  be  afforded  to  the 
army  under  his  command  to  come  up  with  them,  and 
take  advantage  of  any  favourable  circumstances  that 
might  be  presented. 

Washington  crossed  the  Delaware  at  Coryell's 
ferry,  and  from  thence  detached  six  hundred  men, 
under  Colonel  Morgan,  to  reinforce  General  Maxwell. 
Brigadier-General  Scott  was  sent  with  fifteen  hun 
dred  chosen  troops  to  join  those  in  the  vicinity,  and 
to  annoy  and  delay  the  march  of  the  British. 

General  Washington  having  ascertained  that  the 
enemy  were  advancing  towards  Monmouth  Court 
House,  despatched  one  thousand  men,  under  the 
command  of  General  Wayne,  and  sent  the  Marquis 
Lafayette  to  take  the  command  of  the  whole  detach 
ment,  including  Maxwell's  brigade  and  Morgan's 
light  infantry.  His  orders  were,  to  avail  himself  of 
the  first  opportunity  to  attack  the  enemy. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

General  Lee,  dissatisfied  probably  that  his  coun 
sel  had  been  rejected,  refused  to  take  the  command 
of  these  troops,  and  voluntarily  yielded  his  claims  to 
General  Lafayette. 

The  following  day,  however,  he  addressed  a  letter 
to  Washington,  in  which  he  expressed  regret  at 
what  he  had  done,  and  that  he  would  now  be 
gratified  to  have  his  command  restored.  Washington, 
ever  conciliatory,  when  consistent  with  duty,  and  de 
sirous  of  rendering  justice  to  his  country,  by  securing 
to  its  services  all  the  talent  that  was  at  command, 
acceded  to  the  wishes  of  General  Lee. 

As  the  enemy  had  now  made  a  change  in  the 
disposition  of  their  troops,  placing  the  strength  of 
their  army  in  the  rear,  it  became  necessary  to  increase 
the  advanced  corps.  General  Washington  availed 
himself  of  this  circumstance,  and  despatched  General 
Lee  with  two  brigades,  to  join  the  Marquis  Lafayette 
at  Englishtown.  The  command  of  the  whole  then 
devolved  on  General  Lee,  he  being  the  senior  officer. 
But  he  was  directed  to  render  every  assistance  in  his 
power  to  Lafayette,  should  he  find  him  engaged  in 
any  plan  or  enterprise  against  the  enemy.  At  the 
same  time  he  wrote  Lafayette,  acquainting  him  with 
the  circumstances,  trusting  to  his  usual  generosity  to 
be  governed  by  the  good  of  the  cause,  rather  than  by 
personal  interest. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  observing  the  movements  of 
General  Washington,  and  that  he  was  preparing  to 
attack  his  flanks  and  rear,  ordered  all  the  baggage  to 
his  front,  protecting  it  with  a  body  of  his  German 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

troops.  He  then  formed  the  remainder  of  his  army 
in  the  rear  of  the  baggage,  on  the  high  hills  of  Mon- 
mouth,  under  the  command  of  Lord  Cornwallis  and 
himself. 

The  next  morning,  at  daylight,  the  baggage  of 
the  enemy  was  discovered  to  be  in  motion.  General 
Washington  sent  directions  to  General  Lee,  to  com 
mence  the  attack,  "  unless  there  should  be  very  pow 
erful  reasons  to  the  contrary."  He  was  to  order  the 
troops  on  both  flanks  to  attack  at  the  same  time  ; 
Morgan  on  the  right  and  General  Dickinson  on  the 
left,  and  that  he  would  closely  follow  to  his  support. 

The  British  descended  from  the  heights  into  the 
plain  :  Lee  advanced  to  meet  them.  As  soon  as  the 
firing  was  heard,  General  Washington  directed  the 
main  body  to  throw  off  their  packs,  and  he  advanced 
as  rapidly  as  possible  to  their  support.  This  firing 
was  between  the  advanced  guards  of  Lee  and  the 
rear  guards  of  the  enemy. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  finding  that  both  his  flanks 
and  his  rear  would  be  attacked,  halted  his  army  and 
advanced  on  the  front  of  General  Lee's  division. 
This  movement  was  perceived  by  Lee  :  and  ignorant 
whether  General  Washington  was  sufficiently  near 
to  support  him,  and  aware  that  his  force  was  unequal 
to  contend  with  the  whole  British  army,  he  ordered 
a  retreat  to  the  high  grounds.  He  was  met  by 
Washington,  who  expressed  marked  disapprobation 
of  his  conduct ;  and  directed  him  to  form  his  troops 
and  oppose  the  progress  of  the  enemy.  "  Your  or 
ders,"  replied  Lee,  "  shall  be  obeyed,  and  I  will  not 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  137 

be  the  first  to  quit  the  field."*  Washington  then 
came  up  with  the  main  body,  and  proceeding  to  the 
rear  of  the  corps,  he  found  it  closely  pressed  by  the 
enemy.  He  writes  :  "  1  proceeded  immediately  to 
the  rear  of  the  corps,  which  I  found  closely  pressed 
by  the  enemy,  and  gave  directions  for  forming  a  part 
of  the  retreating  troops,  who,  by  the  brave  and  spir 
ited  conduct  of  the  officers,  aided  by  some  pieces  of 
well-served  artillery,  checked  the  enemy's  advance, 
and  gave  time  to  make  a  disposition  of  the  left  wing 
and  second  line  of  the  army  upon  an  eminence  and 
in  a  wood  a  little  in  the  rear,  covered  by  a  morass  in 
front.  On  this  were  placed  some  batteries  of  cannon 
by  Lord  Stirling,  who  commanded  the  left  wing, 
which  played  upon  the  enemy  with  great  effect,  and, 
seconded  by  parties  of  infantry  detached  to  oppose 
them,  effectually  put  a  stop  to  their  advance."! 

The  eighth  Massachusetts  regiment  was  attached 
to  this  division  of  Lord  Stirling.  It  was  commanded 
by  Major  Hull.  He  was  the  next  officer  in  rank  to 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Brooks,  who  was  appointed  dur 
ing  this  day  to  act  as  Adjutant  to  General  Lee. 
"  Lord  Stirling,"  says  Major  Hull,  "  took  an  advan 
tageous  position  on  elevated  ground,  directly  in  front 
of  the  enemy's  right.  They  formed  on  the  opposite 
side  of  a  hollow,  ready  to  receive  us.  A  severe  can 
nonade  was  commenced  from  our  division,  during 
which  a  demonstration  was  made  on  the  right  of  the 


*  Ramsay's  History  of  the  Unit-        f  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol. 
ed  States,  Vol.  II.,  page  260.  V.,  page  425. 


138          '    REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

enemy's  line,  and  the  whole  division  advancing  at  the 
same  time  on  the  front  of  their  right  wing,  they  were 
compelled  to  retreat. 

General  Greene  and  General  Wayne  successfully 
opposed  the  progress  of  their  right  wing,  and  com 
pelled  it  to  retreat  to  the  heights,  from  which  it  had 
marched  in  the  morning.  They  afterwards  made 
several  attempts  on  our  left,  which  were  as  often 
repulsed.  In  the  evening,  the  whole  British  army  took 
a  strong  position,  and  could  only  be  approached 
through  a  narrow  pass.  General  Washington  made 
an  effort  to  move  round  on  their  right  and  left,  and 
directed  the  artillery  to  assail  them  in  front.  But  so 
many  impediments  were  in  the  way  that  night  canie 
on  before  these  operations  could  take  effect.  The 
troops  remained  on  the  ground  near  the  enemy  with 
the  intention  of  attacking  them  at  daylight,  and  the 
whole  army  continued  lying  on  their  arms  on  the 
field  of  battle,  prepared  to  support  them. 

General  Washington,  wrapped  in  his  military 
cloak,  passed  the  night  in  the  midst  of  his  soldiers. 
About  twelve  o'clock  the  enemy  silently  moved  off, 
and  though  the  Americans  were  so  near,  they  had 
not  the  slightest  intimation  of  their  retreat.  They 
took  with  them  a  large  proportion  of  their  wounded, 
but  left  four  officers  and  forty  privates,  whose  situa 
tion  was  too  dangerous  to  permit  of  their  removal. 

The  intense  heat  of  the  weather  and  the  great 
fatigue  of  the  troops,  forbad  a  pursuit ;  and  besides, 
it  would  have  been  fruitless,  as  the  British  had  gained 
upon  them  a  march  in  the  night. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

Major  Hull  writes:  "I  went  over  the  field  of 
battle  the  next  morning,  and  discovered  a  large  num 
ber  of  dead  bodies  without  any  wounds,  who  proba 
bly  died  from  heat.  We  buried  four  officers  and  two 
hundred  and  forty-five  privates,  and  more  must  have 
been  killed,  for  there  were  a  number  of  new-made 
graves." 

Perhaps  a  complete  victory  might  have  been  won 
by  the  Americans  in  this  battle,  had  not  the  retreat 
of  General  Lee  in  the  very  onset,  with  a  force  of  be 
tween  five  and  six  thousand  men,  given  to  the  enemy 
a  decided  advantage.  Yet,  notwithstanding  this 
movement,  so  calculated  to  damp  the  ardour  of  sol 
diers,  there  was  a  spirit,  a  skill,  and  an  undaunted 
resolution  manifested  in  the  trying  scenes  of  that  day 
which  was  the  earnest  of  still  more  successful  effort. 
The  officer  and  the  soldier  as  he  lay  on  his  arms 
throughout  the  night,  looked  to  the  morning  dawn,  in 
the  hope  that  a  contest  so  equal  and  so  severe,  would 
then  be  decided  in  favour  af  his  beloved  country. 

The  British  fought  with  their  usual  coolness  and 
intrepidity ;  and  felt,  not  for  the  first  time,  that  they 
had  a  foe  to  grapple  with,  which  required  all  the 
energies,  the  experience,  and  the  skill  of  their  war 
like  profession  to  sustain  them. 

General  Washington  in  his  report  to  Congress 
writes  :  <*  Were  I  to  conclude  my  account  of  this  day's 
transactions,  without  expressing  my  obligations  to 
the  officers  of  the  army  in  general,  I  should  do  injus 
tice  to  their  merit,  and  violence  to  my  own  feelings. 
They  seemed  to  vie  with  each  other,  in  manifesting 


140  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

their  zeal  and  bravery.  The  catalogue  of  those  who 
distinguished  themselves,  is  too  long  to  admit  of  par 
ticularizing  individuals.  1  cannot,  however,  forbear 
mentioning  Brigadier-General  Wayne,  whose  good 
conduct  and  bravery  through  the  whole  action,  de 
serves  particular  commendation.  The  behaviour  of 
the  troops  in  general,  after  they  recovered  from  the 
first  surprise,  occasioned  by  the  retreat  of  the  ad 
vanced  corps,  was  such  as  could  not  be  surpassed. 
All  the  artillery,  both  officers  andjnen,  that  were  en 
gaged,  distinguished  themselves  in  a  remarkable 
manner."* 

General  Lee,  at  his  own  request,  was  tried  before 
a  Court  Martial.  The  charges  were  : 

o 

1st.  Disobedience  of  orders,  in  not  attacking  the 
enemy,  agreeably  to  repeated  instructions. 

2d.  Misbehaviour  before  the  enemy,  by  making 
an  unnecessary,  disorderly,  and  shameful  retreat. 

3d.  Disrespect  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  in 
two  letters,  dated  28th  June  and  the  1st  of  July. 

The  Court  sat  for  some  weeks,  when  it  declared 
General  Lee  guilty  of  all  the  charges,  and  sentenced 
him  to  be  suspended  from  any  command  in  the  ar 
mies  of  the  United  States,  for  the  term  of  twelve 
months. 

A  majority  in  Congress  approved  of  the  sentence. 
The  word  shameful  was  struck  out  of  the  second 
charge.  With  respect  to  the  correctness  of  the  sen 
tence  of  the  Court  Martial,  military  men  have  dif- 

*  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  V.,  page  427. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

fered  in  opinion.  But  the  language  and  letters  of 
General  Lee  to  General  Washington,  met  with  uni 
versal  disapprobation. 

The  question,  whether  under  his  instructions  and 
the  circumstances  of  the  case  he  was  authorized  to 
retreat,  without  fighting,  need  not  now  be  discussed. 
But  it  must  ever  be  regretted,  that  the  division  under 
Lee's  command,  did  not  or  could  not  perform  the 
duty  to  which  it  was  assigned.  Had  there  been  no 
retreat,  the  results  of  that  day,  honourable  as  they 
were  to  the  troops  engaged,  would  doubtless  have 
had  a  much  more  important  bearing  on  the  interests 
of  the  American  arms. 


142  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER  XV. 

MAJOR  HULL'S  COMMAND  ON  THE  LINES. 

1779. 

LIEUTENANT-COLONEL  BROOKS  having  obtained 
leave  of  absence,  the  command  of  the  regiment  de 
volved  on  Major  Hull.  He  was  directed  to  march  it 
to  Poughkeepsie,  at  that  time  the  seat  of  government 
for  the  State  of  New- York.  As  soon  as  it  arrived, 
the  men  were  employed  in  erecting  barracks,  and 
hauling  wood  for  the  winter. 

As  this  was  a  pleasant  and  fertile  part  of  the 
country,  both  officers  and  men  were  pleased  with  the 
location,  and  made  great  exertions  to  complete  their 
accommodations  for  the  winter.  But  their  happiness 
was  short-lived  ;  for  scarcely  were  they  established 
in  their  comfortable  abodes,  when  Major  Hull  re 
ceived  an  order  from  General  McDougall,  who  com 
manded  at  Peekskill,  to  march  the  regiment  the  next 
day,  and  take  his  station  on  the  lines  near  Kings- 
bridge.  The  order  produced  some  disappointment. 
Poughkeepsie  being  the  seat  of  government,  the 
Governor  and  other  civil  officers  of  the  State  resided 
there,  besides  many  pleasant  families,  which  had 
withdrawn  from  the  city. 

Major  Hull  communicated  the  order  to  the  regi- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  143 

ment,  and  gave  directions  to  be  prepared  to  march 
the  next  morning  at  eight  o'clock.  He  passed  the 
evening  at  the  house  of  Governor  Clinton.  When  he 
returned  to  his  lodgings,  he  perceived  a  large  roll  of 
paper  lying  on  the  step  of  his  door.  He  found  it  to 
be  a  remonstrance,  signed  by  all  the  non-commis 
sioned  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  regiment.  They 
stated  how  much  they  had  endured  in  the  last  cam 
paign,  and  how  hard  they  had  laboured  to  build  their 
barracks,  procure  their  wood  and  other  necessary 
comforts  ;  and  that  under  these  circumstances,  they 
did  not  expect  to  be  ordered  to  serve  another  cam 
paign  that  winter. 

Major  Hull  immediately  sent  for  the  officers  of 
the  regiment,  and  communicated  to  them  the  contents 
of  the  paper.  The  officers  informed  him  that  they 
had  no  knowledge  of  the  paper,  but  had  that  evening 
observed  unusual  appearances  and  symptoms  of  dis 
content,  and  that  they  feared  the  men  would  refuse  to 
march  the  next  morning.  They  suggested  to  Major 
Hull  whether  it  would  not  be  expedient  to  send  an 
express  to  General  McDougall,  stating  the  circum 
stances,  and  wait  his  orders. 

He  replied,  that  this  insubordination  must  be 
checked  at  once,  and  prepared  to  use  the  authority 
he  possessed,  which  he  believed  would  be  sufficient, 
rather  than  appeal  to  a  higher  power.  The  troops 
might  view  this  latter  measure  as  an  expression  of 
weakness  ;  and  from  thence  wrould  result  greater  dif 
ficulty  in  the  exaction  of  strict  obedience  in  the 
remote  station  to  which  they  were  now  ordered. 


144  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Major  Hull  requested  the  officers  to  obtain  all  the 
information  relating  to  what  had  passed,  and  endea 
vour  to  ascertain  if  there  was  not  some  self-interested 
mischievous  person,  who  had  influenced  the  men  to 
take  this  stand. 

It  was  soon  discovered  that  a  sergeant  of  artillery 
had  obtained  leave  of  absence  from  his  regiment,  and 
had  procured  a  small  room  in  the  neighbourhood,  with 
the  expectation  of  selling  groceries  and  other  articles 
that  the  troops  wanted. 

In  the  morning  when  the  hour  to  assemble  had 
arrived,  Major  Hull  and  the  officers  only  were  pre 
sent  ;  none  of  the  troops  appeared.  Major  Hull  di 
rected  the  officers  to  go  into  the  barracks,  and  at  all 
events  to  parade  their  companies.  A  few  men  from 
each  company  came  forth ;  the  number  soon  increased, 
and  in  a  short  time  the  whole  regiment  was  formed. 
Major  Hull  then  stated,  that  he  well  knew  how  un 
pleasant  it  was  to  them  to  leave  their  comfortable 
quarters,  and  not  only  regretted  it  on  their  account, 
but  likewise  for  his  officers  and  for  himself ;  that  they 
were  very  pleasantly  situated,  and  had  hoped  to  pass 
the  winter  in  Poughkeepsie.  But  he  observed  to 
them,  obedience  to  orders  was  the  first  duty  of  a  sol 
dier.  He  then  pointed  out,  in  strong  terms,  the 
impropriety  of  their  conduct ;  that  he  feared,  from 
information  obtained,  they  had  been  unhappily  in 
fluenced,  and  strong  suspicions  rested  on  the  man 
whom  they  perceived  was  brought  on  parade  under 
arrest. 

A  Court  Martial  was  at  once  ordered  to  sit  in  the 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

presence  of  the  corps.  The  sergeant  was  tried,  and 
found  guilty  of  the  charges  brought  against  him.  He 
wras  sentenced  to  receive  severe  punishment,  which 
was  immediately  inflicted  in  the  presence  of  the 
troops.  The  troops  then  commenced  their  march  to 
the  White  Plains,  where  they  arrived  early  in  Decem 
ber.  "  Colonel  Burr,  afterwards  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States,"  writes  Major  Hull,  "  had  com 
manded  for  several  months  on  this  station,  from  which 
duty  I  was  now  ordered  to  relieve  him.  He  remained 
a  few  days,  and  furnished  us  with  necessary  and  im 
portant  information  with  respect  to  the  situation  of 
the  enemy,  the  different  routes  leading  from  Kings- 
bridge,  and  the  position  he  had  taken  for  the  security 
and  defence  of  his  corps.  In  justice  to  his  military 
character,  it  must  be  said  that  his  plans  were  highly 
judicious. 

"  Our  duties  having  now  commenced,  the  advanced 
parties  were  directed  to  reconnoitre  every  day,  within 
a  few  miles  of  the  enemy  at  Kingsbridge  ;  while  the 
position  of  the  main  body,  consisting  of  about  four 
hundred,  was  seven  or  eight  miles  from  that  post,  and 
eighteen  miles  in  advance  of  any  of  our  stations 
above.  Being  in  the  face  of  the  whole  British  Army, 
without  fortifications  for  defence,  our  safety  depended 
on  unceasing  vigilance." 

Several  detachments  had  been  recently  cut  off. 
The  country  between  the  Highlands  and  New-York, 
and  between  the  North  and  East  rivers,  depended 
on  this  small  body  of  troops  for  protection  ere  it 
could  be  reinforced  from  the  cantonment  of  General 

10 


|46  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

McDougall.  Major  Hull  had  his  main  body  compactly 
posted,  occupying  a  central  position  between  the 
rivers,  at  and  below  the  White  Plains  ;  but  frequently 
changing  its  locality,  and  generally  this  change  took 
place  in  the  evening.  Small  parties  were  constantly 
on  duty,  patrolling  to  the  right,  above  and  sometimes 
below  Dobbs'  Ferry,  and  to  the  left,  as  far  as  the 
Sound  at  Mamaroneck,  and  below. 

Major  Hull  was  aided  by  guides,  selected  from 
the  most  active,  intelligent,  and  well-disposed  inhabit 
ants,  who  were  familiar  with  every  part  of  the  coun 
try.  These  persons  received  remuneration,  were 
furnished  with  horses,  and  proved  faithful  and  ex 
ceedingly  useful  in  the  service. 

Many  families  remained  on  their  farms,  and  it 
was  important  to  know  their  true  characters.  Major 
Hull  therefore  had  the  names  of  all  the  inhabitants 
registered  between  Kingsbridge  and  Croton  river, 
and  between  the  North  and  East  rivers.  The  char 
acter  of  each  individual  was  described  by  ciphers, 
the  object  being  to  prevent  injury  to  those  who 
were  well  disposed,  should  the  book  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  The  commanding  officer  held 
a  species  of  civil  as  well  as  military  jurisdiction,  as 
the  situation  of  the  country  between  the  hostile 
armies  was  such,  that  the  laws  of  the  State  could  not 
operate.  A  conflict  existed  between  the  civil  and  mili 
tary  enactments,  the  decision  of  which  was  necessarily 
assumed  and  enforced  by  the  strongest  power.*  But 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  III.,  with  several  subsequent  letters  to  Major 
Hull,  commanding  on  the  Lines. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  147 

whenever  cases  of  improper  or  irregular  impressment 
occurred,  recompense  was  made  to  the  owners,  and 
the  teams,  horses,  &c.,  were  returned.  But  it  will  be 
seen  by  reference  to  the  Appendix  that  such  was  the 
state  of  things,  that  certain  acts  of  the  Senate  and 
Assembly  of  New- York  in  relation  to  the  impress 
ment  of  horses,  teams,  &c.,  were  entirely  superseded 
by  martial  law,  and  the  power  to  seize  and  send  to 
head-quarters  all  suspicious  persons  or  any  guilty  of 
theft  or  other  crimes,  was  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the 
officer  then  commanding.  Indeed  this  portion  of  the 
country,  infested  by  a  roving  banditti  equally  cruel 
to  all  parties,  was  a  scene  of  terror  and  suffering 
throughout  most  of  the  years  of  the  war.  The  Cow 
boys  and  Skinners  ravaged  the  whole  region.  The 
first,  called  Refugees,  ranked  themselves  on  the  British 
side.  They  were  employed  in  plundering  cattle  and 
driving  them  to  the  city :  their  name  is  derived  from 
their  occupation.  The  latter,  called  Skinners,  while 
professing  attachment  to  the  American  cause,  were 
devoted  to  indiscriminate  robbery,  murder,  and  every 
species  of  the  most  brutal  outrage.  They  seemed,  like 
the  savage,  to  have  learned  to  enjoy  the  sight  of  the 
sufferings  they  inflicted.  Oftentimes  they  left  their 
wretched  victims,  from  whom  they  plundered  their 
all,  hung  up  by  their  arms,  and  sometimes  by  their 
thumbs,  on  bam  doors,  enduring  the  agony  of  the 
wounds  that  had  been  inflicted,  to  wrest  from  them 
their  property.  These  miserable  beings  were  fre 
quently  relieved  by  our  patrols,  who  every  night 
scoured  the  country  from  river  to  river.  But  unhap- 


148  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

pily  the  military  force  was  too  small  to  render  the 
succour  so  much  needed  ;  although  by  its  vigilance 
and  the  infliction  of  severe  punishment  on  the  offend 
ers,  it  kept  in  check,  to  a  certain  extent,  this  lawless 
race  of  men.  The  command  on  the  lines  covered  an 
extensive  section  of  country,  and  there  were  many 
roads  leading  from  Kingsbridge  to  the  different  sta 
tions,  which  were  occupied  by  the  detachment.  It 
was  therefore  necessary  to  avail  of  the  friendly  in 
habitants  to  obtain  intelligence  of  the  first  movement 
of  the  enemy.  Those  who  resided  below  the  lines, 
being  entirely  in  the  power  of  the  British,  were 
obliged  to  feign  an  attachment  they  did  not  feel. 

Major  Hull  selected  a  certain  number  of  families 
on  whose  fidelity  he  could  rely,  and  formed  a  line  of 
them,  extending  from  Kingsbridge  to  his  most  ad 
vanced  guards.  He  requested  these  persons  to  come 
to  him  at  night,  that  he  might  communicate  to  them 
his  plan  of  securing  information,  which  he  said 
would  depend  on  their  good  faith,  alertness,  and  se 
crecy.  He  told  the  man  who  lived  nearest  Kings- 
bridge,  that  whenever  he  perceived  any  extraordinary 
movement,  or  whenever  the  enemy  passed  the  bridge, 
to  take  a  mug  or  pitcher  in  his  hand,  and  in  a  care 
less  manner  go  to  his  neighbour  who  composed  one 
of  the  line,  for  some  cider,  beer,  or  milk,  and  give  him 
notice,  and  then  immediately  return  home.  His 
neighbour  was  to  do  the  same,  and  so  on,  until  the 
information  reached  the  station  of  Major  Hull. 
Every  individual  thus  employed  was  faithful  to  the 
trust  reposed  in  him. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

The  enemy  could  make  no  movement,  without 
the  detachment  being  informed  and  prepared  to  meet 
or  avoid  them.  Major  Hull  rewarded,  as  he  was  au 
thorized,  these  good  people,  who  could  not,  in  their 
situation,  perform  a  duty  of  this  nature,  without 
much  personal  risk.  Yet  they  ceased  not  to  exhibit 
the  virtues  of  patriotism  and  constancy,  by  a  faithful 
devotion  to  their  country's  interests,  while  exposed 
to  imminent  danger  and  surrounded  by  hardships  and 
privation. 

By  the  laws  of  the  State  of  New- York,  if  they 
refused  to  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  State,  their 
property  was  liable  to  confiscation.  The  country 
they  occupied  was  fertile  and  populous,  and  the  land 
well  cultivated.  Any  person  who  took  the  oath, 
would  instantly  find  the  Cow-boys  robbing  him  of  his 
all ;  and  to  offer  defence,  was  at  the  peril  of  life. 
Such  as  did  not  take  the  oath,  were  left  to  the  ten 
der  mercies  of  the  Skinners,  who,  taking  the  law  into 
their  own  hands,  branded  them  as  tories,  confiscated 
their  property,  and  went  off  secure,  in  the  possession 
of  their  booty. 

In  this  condition  of  the  social  state,  the  innocent 
and  guilty  equally  suffered. 

The  descendants  of  these  people,  many  of  the 
present  inhabitants  of  Westchester,  and  its  neigh 
bourhood,  who  are  now  living  in  the  happy  enjoy 
ment  of  liberty,  and  the  protection  of  law,  have  rea 
son  to  feel  a  generous  pride  in  the  virtue  of  their  an 
cestors,  W7ho  so  nobly  stood  the  test  of  these  trying 
times. 


150  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Major  Hull,  at  this  period,  was  about  twenty-five 
years  of  age,  and  blessed  with  a  good  constitution. 
He  remarks,  while  speaking  of  this  service,  "  In  a 
command  so  responsible,  I  adopted  a  system,  to 
which  I  steadfastly  adhered ;  nor  did  storms,  cold,  or 
the  darkness  of  the  night,  ever  interfere  with  its  per 
formance.  Early  in  the  evening,  without  taking  off 
my  clothes,  with  my  arms  by  my  side,  I  laid  myself 
dowrn  before  a  fire,  covered  only  by  a  blanket,  and 
gave  directions  to  the  sentinel  to  awake  me  at  one 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  My  adjutant,  or  some  other 
officer  was  with  me ;  and  one  or  two  of  the  faithful 
guides,  who  have  been  mentioned.  The  troops  were 
ordered  to  be  paraded  at  the  same  hour  1  was  called, 
and  a  portion  to  remain  on  parade  until  my  return. 
After  the  whole  were  assembled,  one  half  of  them 
were  permitted  to  go  to  rest,  and  the  other  half  were 
formed  into  strong  guards,  which  patrolled  in  front 
and  on  the  flanks  of  the  detachment  until  sunrise. 
This  force  was  in  addition  to  the  small  parties  which 
were  constantly  patrolling  with  the  guides.  After 
making  this  arrangement,  I  rode  with  my  adjutant 
and  one  or  two  guides,  as  far  as  my  patrols  were  di 
rected  to  proceed,  across  to  the  North  river,  and  then 
back  on  the  line  of  my  patrols,  toward  the  East  river, 
and  continued  riding  in  different  directions,  until  sun 
rise.  While  on  this  duty,  I  visited  a  number  of  my 
confidential  line  of  inhabitants,  to  ascertain  the  move 
ments  of  the  enemy.  I  generally  rode  about  twenty 
miles  at  night,  and  nearly  the  same  distance  during 
the  day.  This  service  on  the  lines  was  so  severe, 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


that  two  hundred  men,  with  officers,  were  sent  from 
the  army  every  ten  days,  to  relieve  one  half  of  the 
detachment,  while  the  half  best  fitted  for  duty  re 
mained.  As  civil  law  was  suspended,  1  was  directed 
to  preserve  as  much  peace,  security,  and  good  order 
among  the  inhabitants  as  possible  ;  and  particularly 
cautioned  to  prevent  supplies  being  carried  to  the 
enemy.  The  country  was  fertile,  and  the  people 
were  required  in  due  proportion  to  supply  the  troops 
with  provisions,  for  which  I  gave  them  certificates. 
These  various  duties  employed  all  my  time,  excepting 
the  first  part  of  every  night  given  to  sleep.  The 
enemy  made  many  attempts  to  surprise  and  destroy 
the  detachment;  but  by  the  precautions  taken,  his 
plans  were  invariably  defeated.  In  all  the  little  ren 
contres  which  took  place,  the  advantage  was  on  our 
side  ;  and  the  country,  in  a  great  degree,  was  pro 
tected,  both  above  and  below  my  station,  from  cruel 
depredations.  Only  those  families  suffered  who  re 
sided  nearest  to  the  British  lines." 

In  the  latter  part  of  May,  it  was  evident  prepa 
rations  were  making  for  some  important  expedition, 
in  which  the  strength  of  the  British  army  was  to  be 
employed,  aided  by  the  co-operaiion  of  their  navy. 
Major  Hull  wrote  to  General  McDougall,  that  ap 
pearances  indicated  that  the  enterprise  was  to  be  di 
rected  against  the  army  in  the  Highlands,  and  that 
the  detachment  on  the  lines  would  be  the  first  object 
of  attack.  General  McDougall  having  received  simi 
lar  intelligence,  directed  Major  Hull,  in  case  the 
enemy  advanced  in  force  over  Kingsbridge  towards 


152  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  White  Plains,  to  retreat  before  they  came  so  near 
as  to  compel  him  to  action ;  to  observe  their  move 
ments  up  the  river,  and  to  proceed  in  such  a  manner 
as  not  to  be  in  the  rear  of  the  fleet,  as  in  such  case, 
his  communication  might  be  cut  off  from  the  army  in 
the  Highlands. 

About  the  last  of  May,  Major  Hull  received  infor 
mation  from  his  faithful  line  of  inhabitants,  that  a 
large  column  of  the  enemy  had  passed  Kingsbridge, 
and  was  marching  towards  the  White  Plains.  His 
detachment,  excepting  some  small  patrols,  were  as 
sembled  in  a  compact  body  in  that  place.  Previous 
to  this,  he  had  given  notice  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
movements  of  the  enemy,  and  of  his  intention  to  re 
treat  to  the  Highlands.  Many  of  them  removed  their 
families  and  fled  to  a  more  peaceful  region. 

When  the  enemy  had  arrived  within  about  two 
miles  of  the  White  Plains,  Major  Hull  called  in  the 
patrols  and  marched  to  the  road  on  the  North  river. 
He  soon  perceived  the  fleet,  which  was  but  a  small 
distance  below  his  position.  As  he  advanced  slowly 
up  the  river,  he  was  informed  that  the  column  which 
had  passed  Kingsbridge,  was  making  a  forced  march 
on  his  right,  with  a  view  to  gain  his  front  and  cut  off 
his  retreat.  He  hastened  his  march,  and  crossed  the 
Croton  river,  where  he  halted.  The  enemy  approached 
him  by  land,  and  he  perceived  their  troops  debarking 
from  the  fleet.  He  then  made  a  rapid  march  to 
Peekskill,  and  joined  the  forces  under  the  command 
of  General  McDougall.  The  British  army  proceeded 
up  the  river,  and  took  possession  of  Stony  and  Ver- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  153 

plank's  Points.  Works  had  been  erected  by  the  Amer 
icans  at  these  places,  but  when  the  enemy  approached 
the  workmen  retired.  A  small  garrison  at  Verplank's 
Point  surrendered. 

From  the  preparations  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  it 
was  expected  that  he  would  attack  West  Point,  and 
the  other  fortresses  in  the  Highlands. 

General  Washington,  considering  the  Highlands 
of  great  importance,  concentrated  a  large  part  of  his 
army  for  their  defence.  Major  Hull  was  ordered  to 
West  Point.  His  detachment  erected  a  fort  on  the 
summit  of  a  hill  which  overlooked  and  commanded 
the  other  works  established  at  that  place.  The  object 
was  to  defeat  the  plans  of  the  enemy,  should  he  at 
tempt  to  march  by  a  circuitous  route,  through  the 
gorges  of  the  mountains,  to  obtain  possession  of  this 
eminence. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  however,  after  establishing 
garrisons  at  Stony  and  Verplank's  Points,  returned  to 
New- York.  His  object,  it  wras  believed,  in  ascending 
the  river,  was,  to  possess  himself  of  all  the  fortresses 
in  the  Highlands  ;  but  the  prompt  and  wise  measures 
taken  by  General  Washington,  in  recalling  the  troops 
from  New  Jersey,  and  concentrating  his  strength  in 
their  defence,  defeated  the  plans  of  his  adversary. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  then  changed  his  mode  of  op 
erations,  but  with  a  view  to  the  same  object.  He 
commenced  a  predatory  warfare  on  the  Sound,  and  the 
defenceless  inhabitants  of  Connecticut  experienced, 
in  a  war  of  extermination,  the  horrors  and  brutal 
cruelties  of  an  unlicensed  soldiery. 


154  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

By  this  course  he  hoped  to  draw  off  Washington 
from  his  strong-hold  in  the  Highlands,  and  thus  se 
cure  to  himself  their  complete  possession.  But  in 
every  part  of  his  plan,  he  was  defeated  by  the  sound 
judgment  and  superior  skill  of  the  American  Com 
mander. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

CAPTURE  OF  STONY  POINT. 

1779. 

IT  is  a  darkened  view  of  the  human  mind  that 
induces  the  belief  that  outrage  and  cruelty  will  com 
mand  submission,  sooner  than  a  generous  and  just 
appeal  to  the  better  feelings  of  man.  The  spirit 
may  bend  under  oppression,  but  not  break,  while,  by 
its  reaction,  it  acquires  new  strength  for  resistance. 

The  study  of  our  own  hearts,  and  the  example  of 
Him,  in  whom  there  is  no  variableness,  would  furnish 
safer  and  more  kindly  views.  God  endeavours  to  win 
by  love  and  by  persuasion  ;  when  these  fail,  he  sends 
a  severe,  healthful,  but  not  an  irritating  discipline, 
dictated  equally  by  wisdom  and  mercy. 

During  our  contest  with  Britain,  plunder  and  de 
vastation  overspread  our  beautiful  southern  land ; 
while  at  the  north,  fire  laid  waste  our  peaceful  dwell 
ings,  and  the  sword  did  its  work  on  the  defenceless 
inhabitants  of  the  sea-coast.  What  the  enemy  could 
not  effect  by  contest  in  the  open  field,  he  vainly 
thought  could  be  done  by  sweeping  from  the  earth 
every  vestige  of  home  and  domestic  peace. 

But  the  earth  and  man  were  left ;  and  the  Spirit 
of  the  Almighty,  guiding  the  destinies  of  America, 


156  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

overruled,  to  her  final  good,  the  violence  of  her  enc 
mies,  and  the  sufferings  of  her  children. 

The  head-quarters  of  General  Washington  were 
now  at  New  Windsor,  a  short  distance  above  West 
Point.  The  troops  he  had  drawn  from  New  Jersey, 
were  stationed  on  both  sides  the  river  below,  to  give 
check  to  the  enemy  should  he  again  ascend  the  Hud 
son.  "  But  their  plan  of  devastation  and  plunder 
on  the  sea-coast  was  vigorously  pursued.  About  the 
beginning  of  July,  a  detachment  of  two  thousand  six 
hundred  men,  under  Governor  Tryon,  sailed  from 
New- York  into  Long  Island  Sound.  They  first 
landed  at  New-Haven,  plundered  the  inhabitants 
indiscriminately,  and  burnt  the  stores  on  the  wharves. 
This  being  done,  they  embarked  and  landed  at  Fair- 
field  and  Norwalk,  which  towns  were  reduced  to  ashes. 
Dwelling-houses,  shops,  churches,  school-houses,  and 
the  shipping  in  the  harbours  were  destroyed.  The 
soldiers  pillaged  without  restraint,  committing  acts  of 
violence,  and  exhibiting  the  horrors  of  war  in  some 
of  their  most  revolting  forms. 

"  It  does  not  appear  that  there  were  troops,  mag 
azines,  or  public  property  in  either  of  the  towns. 
The  waste  and  distress  fell  on  individuals  who  were 
pursuing  the  ordinary  occupations  of  life.  The  peo 
ple  rallied  in  self-defence,  and  a  few  were  killed  ; 
but  the  enemy  retired  to  their  vessels,  before  the  mi 
litia  could  assemble  in  large  numbers.  The  British 
Commander  hoped  that  this  invasion  of  Connecticut 
would  draw  away  the  American  army  from  the  High 
lands,  to  a  position  where  he  might  bring  on  an 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  157 

engagement  under  favourable  circumstances.  Wash 
ington's  habitual  caution  guarded  him  against  allowing 
such  an  advantage.  On  the  contrary,  while  the 
enemy's  forces  were  thus  divided,  he  resolved  to  at 
tack  the  strong  post  at  Stony  Point.  The  necessity 
of  doing  something  to  satisfy  the  expectations  of  the 
people,  and  reconcile  them  to  the  defensive  plan 
which  he  was  obliged  to  pursue  ;  the  value  of  the 
acquisition  in  itself,  with  respect  to  the  men,  artillery, 
and  stores,  which  composed  the  garrison  ;  the  effect 
it  would  have  upon  the  subsequent  operations  of  the 
campaign,  and  the  check  it  would  give  to  the  depre 
dations  of  the  enemy,  were,  as  he  said,  the  motives 
which  prompted  him  to  the  undertaking.  He  recon- 
noitered  the  post,  and  instructed  Major  Henry  Lee, 
who  was  stationed  near  it  with  a  party  of  cavalry,  to 
gain  all  the  information  in  his  power  as  to  the  con 
dition  of  the  works,  and  the  strength  of  the  garrison. 

"  The  enterprise  was  intrusted  to  General 
Wayne,  who  commanded  a  body  of  light  infantry  in 
advance  of  the  main  army,  where  he  was  placed  to 
watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  to  prevent  their 
landing,  and  to  attack  separate  parties  whenever  op 
portunities  should  offer. 

"  Having  procured  all  the  requisite  information, 
and  determined  to  make  the  assault,  Washington 
communicated  general  instructions  to  Wayne,  in  writ 
ing  and  conversation,  leaving  the  rest  to  the  well- 
tried  bravery  and  skill  of  that  gallant  officer.' 


53* 


*  Sparks'  Life  and  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  I.,  page  223. 


1  58  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

The  regiments  which  formed  the  corps  of  Gene 
ral  Wayne,  were  commanded  by  Colonels  Webb, 
Febiger,  and  Butler.  The  detachment  which  Major 
Hull  marched  from  the  White  Plains,  when  Sir  Hen 
ry  Clinton  ascended  the  Hudson,  and  established 
posts  at  King's  Ferry,  was  stationed  on  the  high 
grounds  about  West  Point,  and  employed  in  building 
several  forts,  which  at  this  period  were  nearly  com 
pleted.* 

On  the  morning  of  the  fourteenth  of  July,  Major 
Hull  was  ordered  to  march  to  Sandy  Beach,  and  to 
unite  his  corps  to  that  of  General  Wayne. 

Two  companies  of  North  Carolina  light  infantry, 
commanded  by  Major  Murfee,  were  directed  to  join 
the  troops  at  Sandy  Beach.  These  were  placed  in 
the  detachment  of  Major  Hull,  whose  command  now 
consisted  of  about  four  hundred  men. 

At  eleven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth 
of  July,  the  march  was  commenced  over  rugged  and 
almost  impassable  mountains,  and  continued  for  four 
teen  miles,  when  the  detachment  arrived,  a  little  be 
fore  dusk  in  the  evening,  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of 


*  The  Editor  is  indebted  to  Ben-  gallant  captors  of  Stony  Point. 
Jamin  Russel,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  for  Though  only  a  private,  during  the 
the  following  facts :  "  Four  forts  war,  he  was  among  the  faithful  sup- 
were  building.  Their  names  were,  porters  of  his  country's  rights,  and 
Fort  Webb,  Fort  Willis,  Fort  Ar-  ready  to  use  his  energetic  mind  and 
nold  (afterwards  called  Fort  Clin-  strong  arm  in  the  struggle  for  her 
ton),  and  Fort  Hull.  The  highest  independence.  After  the  war,  he 
was  Fort  Hull,  a  point  of  look-out,  was  for  thirty  years  Editor  of  "  The 
It  was  three  miles  from  Fort  Clin-  Boston  Sentinel"  a  paper  well  con- 
ton."  Mr.  Russel  was  one  of  the  ducted  and  highly  respectable. 


Verplanks  Point 


H     U     O    S 


O 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  159 

Stony  Point.  Here  it  halted.  General  Wayne, 
with  his  principal  officers,  reconnoitred  the  works, 
and  now,  for  the  first  time,  was  communicated  to  his 
troops  the  object  of  the  enterprise. 

He  stated  that  the  attack  was  to  be  made  on  Stony 
Point  at  twelve  o'clock  that  night.  That  the  detach 
ment  was  to  be  divided  into  two  columns  ;  to  ad 
vance  with  unloaded  muskets,  and  depend  entirely 
on  the  bayonet ;  that  it  was  his  determination  to  per 
severe^  until  in  complete  possession  of  the  fort ;  and 
that  if  any  man  attempted  to  load  his  piece,  leave  his 
station,  or  retreat,  he  was  instantly  to  be  put  to  death 
by  the  officer  or  soldier  next  him. 

General  Wayne  then  gave  in  detail,  the  disposi 
tion  of  the  troops.  The  column  on  the  right  was  to 
consist  of  Febiger's  and  Meigs'  regiments,  and  Ma 
jor  Hull's  detachment,  and  to  be  led  on  by  General 
Wayne  himself. 

The  column  on  the  left,  was  to  consist  of  Colonel 
Butler's  regiment.  Major  Hull  was  directed  to  de 
tach  Major  Murfee's  two  companies,  to  form  in  the 
centre  of  the  two  columns,  and  to  advance  near  to  a 
part  of  the  fort  that  was  not  to  be  assailed,  and  keep 
up  a  constant  fire,  with  a  view  to  distract  and  draw 
off  attention  from  the  real  point  of  attack. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Fleury  and  Major  Posey,  to 
command  a  corps  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  volunteers, 
to  precede  the  column  on  the  right ;  and  Major 
Stewart,  with  one  hundred  volunteers,  to  precede  the 
column  onthe  left.  A  forlorn  hope  of  twenty  men  was 
attached  to  each  column  :  one  led  on  by  Lieutenant 


160  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Gibbon,  the  other  by  Lieutenant  Knox.  Their  duty 
was,  to  remove  the  abattis  and  other  obstructions  in 
the  way  of  the  troops.  After  the  orders  were  com 
municated,  Major  Hull  recollected  that  there  was  a 
captain  in  his  detachment,  to  whom  cowardice  had 
been  imputed,  on  account  of  his  conduct  in  the  battle 
of  Monmouth.  He  sought  the  young  man  and  re 
quested  him  to  walk  aside  for  a  few  moments,  having 
something  to  communicate.  When  alone,  he  said, 
"  It  is  a  subject  of  much  delicacy,  my  dear  sir,  of 
which  I  am  about  to  speak,  and  my  motive  to  serve 
you,  must  be  my  apology  for  the  liberty  I  take.  You 
are  aware  that  reports,  injurious  to  your  character  as 
a  soldier,  have  been  in  circulation  since  the  battle  of 
Monmouth  ;  as  no  inquiry  has  been  made  into  your 
conduct  on  that  occasion,  your  brother  officers  still 
view  you,  as  wanting  in  bravery.  You  have,  no 
doubt,  a  distinct  recollection  of  the  nature  of  your 
feelings  at  that  time,  and  if  conscious  that  there  was 
a  want  of  fortitude  to  meet  the  dangers  to  which  you 
were  then  exposed,  you  must  be  sensible  that  in  the 
duties  now  to  be  performed,  they  are  of  a  character 
much  more  imposing ;  but  that  they  are  so,  is  favour 
able,  as  you  are  furnished,  in  the  hazardous  enterprise 
before  us,  with  a  better  opportunity  to  eradicate  im 
pressions  for  which  nojust  cause  may  exist.  But  what 
ever  might  have  been  the  truth,  I  leave  you  to  decide 
whether  to  return  to  the  camp,  and  give  your  com 
pany  to  the  command  of  your  Lieutenant,  or  to  lead 
it  yourself."  Captain  *  *  *  *  replied,  "  I  thank 
you,  sir,  for  your  consideration  and  candour,  and  hope 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

to  prove  myself  worthy  of  it.  Wait  a  few  moments, 
until  I  return."  He  came,  accompanied  by  his  Lieu 
tenant,  and  related  to  him,  in  the  presence  of  Major 
Hull,  the  conversation  which  had  just  taken  place. 
Then,  with  a  calm  but  resolute  expression  of  coun 
tenance,  said  :  "  I  request  you  to  observe  my  conduct 
during  the  assault,  and  if  I  do  not  acquit  myself  with 
the  bravery  which  my  rank  and  the  occasion  demands, 
I  beg  you  to  kill  me  on  the  spot."  The  Lieutenant 
assured  him  his  request  should  be  complied  with. 

So  gallantly  did  Captain  *  *  *  *  acquit  himself 
in  the  assault,  that  from  that  time  his  courage  was 
never  questioned. 

After  the  orders  were  communicated,  both  officers 
and  men  appeared  inspired  with  a  spirit  that  no  dan 
ger  could  appal,  and  no  barrier  keep  from  the  prize 
before  them.  Before  giving  an  account  of  the  action, 
a  description  of  the  grounds  on  which  the  fortifica 
tions  were  erected  may  be  desirable. 

"  Stony  Point  is  a  commanding  hill,  projecting 
far  into  the  Hudson,  which  washes  three-fourths  of 
its  base.  The  remaining  fourth  is  in  a  great  measure 
covered  by  a  deep  marsh,  commencing  near  the  river, 
on  the  upper  side,  and  continuing  into  it  below. 
Over  this  marsh  there  is  only  one  crossing  place  ;  but 
at  its  junction  with  the  river,  is  a  sandy  beach,  pass 
able  at  low  tide.  On  the  summit  of  this  hill  was 
erected  the  fort,  which  was  furnished  with  a  sufficient 
number  of  heavy  pieces  of  ordnance.  Several  breast 
works  and  strong  batteries  were  advanced,  in  front 
of  the  principal  works ;  and  about  half  way  down 
11 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  hill,  were  two  rows  of  abattis.  The  batteries 
commanded  the  beach  and  the  crossing  place  of  the 
marsh,  and  could  rake  and  enfilade  any  column  which 
might  be  advancing  from  either  of  those  points, 
towards  the  fort.  In  addition  to  these  defences,  sev 
eral  vessels  of  war  were  stationed  in  the  river,  so  as 
in  a  considerable  degree  to  command^  the  ground  at 
the  foot  of  the  hill.  The  fort  was  garrisoned  by 
about  six  hundred  men,  under  the  command  of  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Johnson.'" 

"  About  half  past  eleven  o'clock,"  writes  Major 
Hull,  "  the  two  columns  commenced  their  march  in 
platoons.  The  beach  was  more  than  two  feet  deep 
with  water,  and  before  the  right  column  reached  it,  we 
were  fired  on  by  the  out-guards,  which  gave  the 
alarm  to  the  garrison.  We  were  now  directly  under 
the  fort,  and,  closing  in  a  solid  column,  ascended  the 
hill,  which  was  almost  perpendicular.  When  about 
half  way  up,  our  course  was  impeded  by  two  strong 
rows  of  abattis,  which  the  forlorn  hope  had  not  been 
able  entirely  to  remove.  The  column  proceeded 
silently  on,  clearing  away  the  abattis,  passed  to  the 
breastwork,  cut  and  tore  away  the  pickets,  cleared 
the  chevaux-de-frise  at  the  sally-port,  mounted  the 
parapet,  and  entered  the  fort  at'the  point  of  the  bay 
onet.  All  this  was  done  under  a  heavy  fire  of  artil 
lery  and  musketry,  and  as  strong  a  resistance  as  could 
be  made  by  the  British  bayonet.  Our  column  on 
the  other  side,  entered  the  fort  at  the  same  time. 

*  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  Vo1.  TV.,  page  122, 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

Each  of  our  men  had  a  white  paper  in  his  hat,  which 
in  the  darkness  distinguished  him  from  the  enemy ; 
arid  the  watchword  was,  i  The  fort's  our  own.' 

"  Our  troops  reached  the  area  of  the  garrison  not 
having  fired  a  gun,  the  enemy  still  firing  on  us.  The 
men  made  free  use  of  the  bayonet,  and  in  every 
direction  was  heard,  '  The  fort's  our  own.'  We  were 
compelled  to  continue  the  dreadful  slaughter,  owing 
to  the  fierce  and  obstinate  resistance  of  the  enemy. 
They  did  not  surrender  until  nearly  one  hundred  men 
were  killed  and  wounded  ;  after  which  their  arms 
were  secured  and  they  were  assembled  under  a  strong 
guard  in  an  angle  of  the  fort,  until  morning.  Major 
Murfee  acted  his  part  with  great  address,  keeping  up 
an  incessant  fire  between  the  two  columns  ;  thus  di 
verting  the  attention  of  the  assailed  from  the  point  of 
attack.  His  two  companies  were  the  only  American 
troops  that  fired  a  gun.  In  ascending  the  hill,  just 
after  he  had  passed  the  abattis,  General  Wayne  was 
wounded  in  the  head  by  a  musket-ball,  and  imme 
diately  fell.  He  remained  on  the  spot,  until  the  Bri 
tish  surrendered,  when  some  other  officers  and  my 
self  bore  him  into  the  fort,  bleeding,  but  in  triumph. 
Three  loud  and  long  cheers  were  now  given,  and  re 
verberating  in  the  stillness  of  night,  amidst  rocks 
and  mountains,  sent  back,  in  echo,  a  glad  response  to 
the  hearts  of  the  victors.  They  were  quickly  an 
swered  by  the  enemy's  ships  of  war  in  the  river,  and 
by  the  garrison  at  Verplank's  Point,  under  the  fond 
belief  that  the  Americans  were  repulsed. 

"  Our  troops  lost  no  time  in  collecting  the  cannon 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

of  the  garrison,  and  turning  them  against  the  shipping 
in  the  river.  The  officer  of  the  British  artillery  was 
requested  to  furnish  the  keys  of  the  powder  maga 
zine  ;  he  hesitated,  and  said  that  he  only  received 
his  orders  from  Colonel  Johnson.  He  was  informed 
that  Colonel  Johnson  was  surperseded  in  command, 
and  that  there  must  be  no  delay,  or  the  consequences 
might  be  unpleasant.  The  key  was  produced,  the 
pieces  of  ordnance  loaded,  and  the  news  of  what  had 
happened  sent  to  the  shipping  from  the  mouths  of  the 
cannon.  Duplicates  and  triplicates  were  sent,  which 
appeared  to  excite  a  good  deal  of  agitation.  They 
made  no  return  to  our  fire,  and  the  tide  being  strong, 
they  slipped  their  cables  and  were  carried  down  by 
the  current. 

"  In  the  same  manner,  the  intelligence  was  an 
nounced  at  the  fort  at  Verplank's  Point,  but  no  re 
ply  was  made. 

"  Soon  after  the  surrender,  a  Lieutenant  of  my 
detachment  informed  me,  that  he  had  killed  one  of 
the  men,  in  obedience  to  orders,  and  that  he  regretted 
it,  more  than  he  could  express.  He  said,  that  as 
the  column  was  ascending  the  hill,  the  man  left  his 
station  and  was  loading  his  musket.  His  commander 
ordered  him  to  return  and  desist  from  loading.  He 
refused,  saying,  that  he  did  not  understand  fighting 
without  firing.  The  officer  immediately  ran  him 
through  the  body.  I  replied,  '  You  performed  a  pain 
ful  duty,  by  which,  perhaps,  victory  has  been  secured, 
and  the  life  of  many  a  brave  man  saved.  Be  satisfied.' 

"  Colonel  Johnson  remained  in  his  marquee  until 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

morning,  with  others  of  our  officers.  I  was  frequently 
with  him  during  the  night.  It  was  intimated  by 
some  one,  that  the  garrison  had  been  surprised.  Co 
lonel  Johnson  observed,  that  we  certainly  should  not 
do  ourselves  or  him  the  injustice  to  say,  that  he  had 
been  surprised.  He  begged  the  gentleman  who 
made  the  remark,  to  recollect  the  fact,  that  the  firing 
commenced  before  we  passed  the  marsh ;  that  all  his 
men  were  at  their  stations,  with  their  arms,  and  com 
pletely  dressed,  before  our  columns  began  to  ascend 
the  hill.  That  an  incessant  fire  had  been  kept  up, 
until  we  entered  the  works  and  the  garrison  surren 
dered.  The  officer  explained,  that  he  did  not  mean 
exactly  as  was  understood.  Colonel  Johnson  replied, 
that  his  works  were  too  extensive ;  that  they  were 
planned  for  a  much  larger  number  of  troops  than  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  had  left  for  their  defence,  and  that  he 
was  perfectly  satisfied  that  his  men  had  done  their 
duty. 

"  Yet  it  has  been  represented  by  some  historians 
of  the  Revolution,,  that  the  British  were  taken  by  sur 
prise.  But  the  distance  from  the  fort,  from  which 
our  columns  were  fired  upon ;  the  incessant  roar  of 
musketry  and  artillery,  while  we  were  ascending  the 
precipice  ;  the  condition  of  the  troops  when  the  gar 
rison  surrendered,  are  facts  which  show  that  success 
was  owing  to  the  valour,  perseverance,  and  superior 
physical  strength  of  the  assailants.  Fifteen  Ameri 
cans  were  killed,  and  eighty-three  wounded. 

"  Colonel  Johnson,  in  his  return,  reports  twenty 
killed  of  the  British,  including  one  officer,  and  sixty- 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

eight  privates  wounded.     The  prisoners  amounted  to 
five  hundred  and  forty-three. 

"  The  following  day  we  were  employed  in  bury 
ing  the  dead.  I  had  two  narrow  escapes.  One  ball 
passed  through  the  crown  of  my  hat,  another  struck 
my  boot." 

Chief  Justice  Marshall,  in  his  account  of  this  enter 
prise,  says :  "  The  humanity  displayed  by  the  con 
querors  was  not  less  conspicuous,  nor  less  honourable, 
than  their  courage.  Not  a  single  individual  suffered 
after  resistance  had  ceased.  All  the  troops  engaged 
in  this  perilous  service  manifested  a  degree  of  ardour 
and  impetuosity,  which  proved  them  to  be  capable  of 
the  most  difficult  enterprises ;  and  all  distinguished 
themselves,  whose  situation  enabled  them  to  do  so. 

"  Colonel  Fleury  was  the  first  to  enter  the  fort, 
and  strike  the  British  standard.  Major  Posey  mounted 
the  works,  almost  at  the  same  instant,  and  was  the 
first  to  give  the  watchword,  c  The  fortfs  our  own.* 

"  Lieutenants  Gibbon  and  Knox  performed  the 
service  allotted  to  them,  with  a  degree  of  intrepidity 
which  could  not  be  surpassed.  Out  of  twenty  men 
who  constituted  the  party  of  the  former,  seventeen 
were  killed  or  wounded."* 

Major  Hull  writes  :  "  The  following  day  General 
Washington  came  to  the  fort,  and  the  interesting  scene 
of  his  arrival  is  perfectly  fresh  in  my  remembrance. 
I  recollect  how  cordially  he  took  us  by  the  hand,  and 
the  satisfaction  and  the  joy  that  glowed  in  his  coun- 

*  Marshall,  Vol.  I.,  page  325. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


tenance.  I  attended  him,  with  a  number  of  other 
field  officers,  General  Wayne  being  prevented  by 
his  wound. 

"  Washington  minutely  viewed  every  part  of  the 
fortifications.  His  attention  was  particularly  drawn 
to  those  places,  where  the  two  columns  ascended  the 
hill,  mounted  the  parapets,  and  first  entered  the  works. 
He  expressed  his  astonishment,  that  we  had  been 
enabled  to  surmount  the  difficulties,  and  attain  our 
object,  with  so  inconsiderable  a  loss.  And  here  he 
offered  his  thanks  to  Almighty  God,  that  he  had  been 
our  shield  and  protector,  amidst  the  dangers  we  had 
been  called  to  encounter." 

Sparks,  in  his  "  Life  of  Washington,"  says  : 
"  The  action  is  allowed  to  have  been  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  of  the  Revolution.  Congress  passed  Re 
solves,  complimentary  to  the  officers  and  privates, 
granting  specific  rewards,  and  directing  the  value  of 
all  the  military  stores  taken  in  the  garrison  to  be  di 
vided  among  the  troops,  in  proportion  to  the  pay  of 
the  officers  and  men.  Three  different  medals  were 
ordered  to  be  struck,  emblematical  of  the  action,  and 
awarded  respectively  to  General  Wayne,  Colonel 
Fleury,  and  Colonel  Stewart.  Congress  also  passed 
a  vote  of  thanks  to  General  Washington,  '  for  the 
vigilance,  wisdom,  and  magnanimity,  with  which  he 
had  conducted  the  military  operations  of  the  States.'" 

Among  other  things,  Major  Hull  received  a  com 
plete  camp  equipage.  A  marquee,  with  a  mattress, 
bedstead,  curtains,  a  large  pair  of  horse  canteens, 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


bottles,  plates,  and  furniture  of  every  kind,  sufficient 
for  a  small  table. 

This  marquee,  bed,  &c.,  he  could  carry  on  a  sin 
gle  horse,  during  a  march.  When  the  army  halted, 
in  a  very  short  time  he  had  a  good  room  and  a  bed, 
closed  on  all  sides  with  curtains. 

General  Wayne  received  many  complimentary 
letters  on  this  occasion. 

Major-  General  Charles  Lee  thus  writes  :  "  What 
I  am  going  to  say  to  you,  will  not,  1  hope,  be  consid 
ered  as  paying  my  court,  in  this  your  hour  of  glory  ; 
for  as  it  is  my  present  intention  to  leave  this  conti 
nent,  I  can  have  no  interest  in  paying  my  court  to 
any  individual.  What  I  shall  say,  therefore,  is  dic 
tated  by  the  genuine  feelings  of  my  heart.  1  do  most 
sincerely  declare,  that  your  assault  on  Stony  Point 
is  not  only  the  most  brilliant,  in  my  opinion,  through 
out  the  whole  course  of  this  war,  on  either  side,  but 
that  it  is  the  most  brilliant  that  I  am  acquainted  with 
in  history.  The  assault  on  Schweidnitz,  by  Marshal 
Landau,  I  think  inferior  to  it."  * 

It  was  the  intention  of  General  Washington,  in 
the  event  of  success  at  Stony  Point,  immediately  to 
have  attacked  the  garrison  on  the  opposite  shore. 
For  this  purpose,  he  had  ordered  a  brigade  to  advance 
from  Peekskill,  under  the  command  of  General  Mc- 
Dougall,  and  take  a  position  near  Verplank's  Point, 


*  Life  of    General  Anthony      Sparks'  American  Biography,  Vol. 
Wayne,  by  John  Armstrong,  in      IV.,  page  47. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

so  as  to  make  the  attack  as  soon  as  he  was  informed 
that  Stony  Point  was  reduced.  The  messenger  sent 
to  General  McDougall,  by  some  accident,  failed  to 
deliver  the  letter,  which  prevented  the  attack  at  the 
time  appointed.  General  Washington  then  changed 
his  plan,  by  augmenting  the  number  of  troops,  and 
giving  the  command  to  Major-General  Howe.  He 
likewise  ordered  a  number  of  heavy  pieces  of  artillery 
to  make  a  breach  in  the  works.  From  some  neglect 
in  the  Ordnance  Department,  unsuitable  cartridges 
were  sent.  This  delay  gave  the  enemy  time  to  in 
crease  the  means  of  defence,  and  place  the  garrison 
in  entire  security. 

Had  there  been  a  sufficient  number  of  boats  to 
have  transported  the  conquerors  across  the  river,  the 
reduction  of  this  fort  would  have  been  almost  certain. 
The  number  of  men  at  the  two  posts  was  about  the 
same,  but  the  fort  at  Verplank's  Point  was  inferior 
in  point  of  strength. 

The  object,  however,  of  General  Washington  was 
accomplished  ;  for  he  had  compelled  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton  to  abandon  his  desolating  system  in  Connecticut, 
and  ascend  the  Hudson  for  the  protection  of  his  gar 
rison  at  Verplank's  Point. 

The  works  of  Stony  Point  were  so  extensive,  that 
a  sufficient  number  of  troops  could  not  be  spared  for 
its  defence ;  besides,  the  enemy  possessed  the  advan 
tage  of  commanding  the  water. 

The  American  General,  therefore,  decided  to 
abandon  the  post.  Every  thing  was  carried  off  but 
one  heavy  cannon. 


170  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

In  a  few  days  the  British  again  took  possession, 
strengthened  the  fortifications,  and  established  a  nu 
merous  garrison  for  its  defence. 

Late  in  the  autumn,  both  of  these  forts  were 
evacuated,  and  came  into  the  possession  of  the 
Americans. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

PROMOTION  OF  MAJOR  HULL  TO  THE  RANK  OF  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL. — HE 
IS  TRANSFERRED  FROM  THE  ElGHTH  TO  THE  THIRD  MASSACHUSETTS  REGI 
MENT. — APPOINTED  A  COMMISSIONER  TO  PRESENT  a  PETITION  TO  THE  LEGIS 
LATURE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  FOR  THE  RELIEF  OF  THE  OFFICERS  AND  SOLDIERS. 
— APPOINTED  INSPECTOR  IN  THE  ARMY,  UNDER  BARON  STEUBEN.* 

1779. 

DURING  the  remaining  part  of  this  campaign,  the 
light  infantry,  under  the  command  of  General  Wayne, 
was  stationed  in  different  parts  of  New  Jersey,  to 
extend  protection  to  the  inhabitants,  who  were  expos 
ed  to  frequent  inroads  of  the  enemy  from  New- York. 
Our  troops  had  frequent  rencontres  with  these  parties, 
but  none  of  sufficient  importance  to  render  a  detail 
of  them  necessary.  Late  in  the  autumn,  the  de 
tachment  of  Colonel  Hull  returned  to  West  Point, 
and  was  established  in  winter  quarters. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  Revolution,  a 
period  of  nearly  five  years,  the  American  army  had 
been  paid  in  continental  bills  of  credit.  No  provision 
was  made  for  their  final  redemption.  Two  hundred 
millions  of  dollars  in  these  bills  were  in  circulation. 
The  army  had  not  only  been  paid,  but  its  supplies  of 
every  kind  were  purchased  with  them.  When  first 

*  General  McDougall   refers  to     jor  Hull,  while  commanding  on  the 
this  appointment  in  his  letters  to  Ma-      Lines. 


172  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

issued,  in  1775,  they  passed  currently,  and  were  con 
sidered  equal  in  value  to  silver  and  gold.  To  refuse 
them,  was  considered  a  want  of  patriotism,  and  still 
more,  a  disaffection  to  our  cause.  Every  month, 
new  emissions  were  made  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
the  war,  and  the  amount  in  circulation  was  thereby 
continually  increased.  The  most  patriotic  citizens 
became  alarmed  and  distrustful  of  them.  Gold  and 
silver  began  to  be  preferred,  and  at  first  the  Govern 
ment-paper  passed  secretly  at  a  small  discount.  The 
depreciation  increased.  The  price  of  the  necessa 
ries,  as  well  as  the  luxuries  of  life,  was  augmented. 
Congress  and  the  Legislatures  of  the  States  adopted 
various  expedients  to  support  the  credit  of  the  paper 
currency,  and  the  bills  were  made  a  legal  tender  for 
the  payment  of  all  bona  fide  debts  which  had  been 
or  should  be  contracted.  But  the  poverty  of  the 
country  rendered  it  impossible  to  provide  the  basis 
of  a  solid  fund,  which  would  have  ensured  a  faithful 
redemption  of  the  bills. 

Although  the  officers  and  soldiers  depended  on 
these  bills  to  provide  for  the  support  of  themselves 
and  their  families,  and  suffered  more  than  any  other 
class  of  citizens  from  their  continual  depreciation, 
yet  they  were  the  last  who  hesitated  to  accept  them, 
or  to  complain  under  the  difficulties  and  privations  to 
which  they  were  subjected.  The  whole  pay  of  an 
officer  or  soldier  could  not  furnish  him  with  comfort 
able  clothing.  A  month's  pay  would  not  purchase  a 
pair  of  shoes.  Such  was  the  state  of  things,  when 
a  meeting  was  held  by  the  officers  of  the  Massachu- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

setts  line  of  the  army,  to  consult  on  the  subject. 
The  discussion  was  temperate  and  patriotic.  It  re 
sulted  in  preparing  a  petition  to  the  Legislature, 
stating  the  circumstances  and  praying  for  relief,  in 
such  manner  as  their  wisdom  and  justice  should  dictate. 
Before  it  was  sent,  it  was  submitted  to  General  Wash 
ington,  and  by  him  approved.  He  was  requested  to 
permit  three  officers,  chosen  for  the  purpose,  to  re 
pair  to  Boston  and  present  the  petition.  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Hull  was  selected  as  one  of  the  Commis 
sioners. 

When  the  petition  was  presented,  a  disposition 
was  manifested  to  do  the  most  perfect  justice  ;  but 
there  was  no  money  in  the  treasury,  and  only  pro 
mises  could  be  given.  A  Committee  of  the  Legisla 
ture  was  appointed  to  confer  with  the  Commissioners, 
and  it  was  admitted  that  gold  and  silver  was  the 
standard  on  which  the  pay  of  the  army  had  been  es 
tablished  ;  but  owing  to  the  depreciation  of  the  bills 
of  credit,  the  army  had  not  been  paid  according  tcf 
the  original  intention. 

It  was  advised  that  the  Legislature  should  estab 
lish  a  scale  of  depreciation,  to  regulate  the  value  of 
the  bills  which  at  different  times  had  been  paid  to 
the  troops.  The  Committee  admitted  that  such  bal 
ance  as  was  due  ought  to  be  paid.  As  there  was  no 
money  in  the  treasury,  it  was  finally  decided  that  the 
Treasurer  should  give  to  each  officer  and  soldier  a  cer 
tificate,  bearing  interest  on  such  sums  as  were  actu 
ally  due.  The  prices  of  the  most  necessary  articles, 
such  as  corn,  beef,  wool,  and  sole-leather,  were  made 


174  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  standard  by  which  their  value  was  to  be  deter 
mined.  This  plan  being  reported  to  the  Legislature, 
it  was  adopted,  the  accounts  settled,  and  the  certifi 
cates  issued. 

Great  efforts  were  made  to  give  credit  to  these 
certificates ;  notwithstanding  which,  they  considera 
bly  depreciated  in  value.  This  was  owing  to  the 
necessity  the  officers  and  soldiers  were  under,  of  of 
fering  them  in  market,  to  procure  necessaries  for  the 
support  of  themselves  and  their  families. 

These  certificates  were  afterwards  paid,  accord 
ing  to  the  nominal  value  expressed  on  the  face  of 
them  ;  and  those  who  had  purchased  and  held  them 
at  the  time  they  were  funded  and  paid,  received  the 
benefit. 

When  Colonel  Hull  returned  to  the  army  on  the 
Highlands,  he  made  a  report  to  the  officers,  who  ex 
pressed  their  approbation  and  tendered  their  thanks 
to  the  Commissioners,  for  the  manner  in  which  the 
trust  committed  to  them  had  been  executed. 

During  the  campaign  of  1780,  the  attention  of 
Colonel  Hull  was  devoted  to  the  discipline  of  the 
division  of  the  army  commanded  by  Major-General 
Howe,  of  which  he  was  appointed  Deputy  Inspector 
under  Baron  Steuben.  These  duties  were  peculiarly 
interesting  to  him,  and  he  remarks  :  "  Could  any 
thing  have  induced  me  to  have  left  this  department 
at  that  time,  it  was  an  appointment  then  offered  me. 

"  General  Parsons  called  one  morning,  and  in 
formed  me,  that  he  was  requested  by  General  Wash 
ington  to  inquire,  if  it  would  be  agreeable  to  me  to 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  175 

come  into  his  family,  as  one  of  his  aids,  and  if  so, 
the  appointment  would  be  made. 

"  I  replied  to  General  Parsons,  that  I  felt  deeply 
impressed  for  this  proof  of  confidence  placed  in  me 
by  the  Commander-in-chief,  and  that  1  would  give 
an  answer  the  following  day.  I  mentioned  to  Baron 
Steuben  the  appointment  offered,  and  that  I  had  but 
one  objection  to  its  acceptance ;  the  regret  I  should 
feel  in  leaving  his  department.  He  kindly  observed, 
4  The  regret  would  be  mutual.'  He  said,  that  he 
was  sensible  of  the  honour  of  the  station  to  which  I 
was  invited,  but  hoped  I  would  see  fit  to  continue  in 
my  present  situation.  That  the  discipline  of  the 
army  had  commenced  on  a  new  system,  and  great 
progress  had  been  made,  and  he  soon  hoped  to  render 
it  as  perfect  as  the  discipline  of  the  European  armies. 
That  we  should  soon  be  called  to  act  with  the  French 
under  Count  Rochambeau  ;  and  that  it  was  his  ardent 
desire,  that  our  army  should  not  be*found  inferior  to 
his  in  the  knowledge  and  application  of  military  tac 
tics.  That  I  had  been  associated  with  him  since  the 
commencement  of  his  duties ;  was  acquainted  with 
his  system  and  mode  of  teaching  it.  That  if  his 
assistants  were  constantly  changed,  it  would  be  im 
possible  to  bring  the  system  to  that  degree  of  perfec 
tion  which  he  believed  would  finally  insure  success 
to  the  American  arms,  and  terminate,  on  our  part,  so 
distressing  a  war.  He  concluded  by  saying,  that  I 
would  be  more  useful  in  the  office  of  Inspector  than 
in  any  other  situation,  and  hoped  that  such  consider 
ation  would  influence  my  decision. 


176  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

"  1  replied,  that  I  had  not  pledged  myself,  and 
when  I  considered  the  subject,  I  felt  it  a  duty  to  re 
main  where  I  could  be  of  most  service,  however  much 
I  might  desire  distinction,  or  however  great  my  at 
tachment  to  the  Commander-in-chief. 

"  Baron  Steuben  then  remarked,  that  if  I  had 
no  objection,  he  would  himself  see  General  Wash 
ington,  and  state  to  him  his  views. 

"  When  General  Parsons  called  for  my  answer, 
I  informed  him  of  the  conversation  which  had  passed 
between  Baron  Steuben  and  myself,  and  his  wishes 
in  regard  to  the  arrangement ;  that  if  it  was  true, 
that  I  could  do  more  for  my  country  in  the  discharge 
of  my  present  duties,  I  felt  compelled  to  decline  the 
honour  of  an  appointment,  so  gratifying  to  my  feel 
ings,  and  so  well  calculated  to  elevate  me  in  the  eyes 
of  my  countrymen. 

"  I  requested,  that  when  my  answer  should  be 
given  to  General  Washington,  that  all  rny  views 
should  be  stated  to  him.  I  then  observed  to  General 
Parsons,  that  he  knew  the  character  and  situation 
of  our  mutual  friend,  Colonel  Humphreys  ;  that  he 
had  served  as  Aid-de-camp  to  General  Putnam,  who  on 
account  of  a^e  and  bodily  infirmities  would  not  again 
be  called  into  active  service.  That  Colonel  Humph 
reys  still  ranked  as  a  Captain,  and  would  now  return 
to  the  command  of  his  company.  Being  satisfied 
with  his  qualifications,  I  would  take  the  liberty  to 
recommend  him  to  General  Washington  for  the  ap 
pointment  with  which  he  had  intended  to  honour 
me. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  ^77 

"  Colonel  Humphreys  was  appointed  and  remained 
in  that  situation  until  the  end  of  the  war.  1  have 
been  induced  to  narrate  the  circumstances  of  this 
transaction,  because  I  perceived  in  a  newspaper,  after 
the  death  of  Colonel  Humphreys,  a  statement  made, 
which  was  not  founded  in  truth.  In  the  article  to 
which  I  allude,  it  is  mentioned,  that  Major  Alden 
and  Colonel  Hull  were  candidates  with  Colonel 
Humphreys  for  the  appointment,  and  that  the  prefer 
ence  was  given  to  Colonel  Humphreys." 

The  whole  of  this  campaign  of  1780,  Colonel 
Hull  continued  with  the  main  army,  a  part  of  the 
time  in  the  Highlands,  performing  the  duties  of  In 
spector.  It  was  at  this  period  that  the  distressing 
events  of  General  Arnold's  treason  and  the  capture 
and  execution  of  Major  Andre  took  place.  The  his 
tories  of  the  Revolution  have  recorded  these  trans 
actions. 


12 


178  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

STATE  OF  THE  CURRENCY. — MUTINIES  IN  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  AND  JERSEY 
LINES. — EXPEDITION  OF  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL  HULL  AGAINST  MORRISSANIA. 
— MARRIAGE  OF  COLONEL  HULL. 

1781. 

LATE  in  the  autumn  of  1780,  the  main  body  of 
the  army  was  concentrated  at  West  Point  and  its 
vicinity  in  the  Highlands,  for  winter  quarters. 

The  Pennsylvania  line,  under  the  command  of 
General  Wayne,  was  stationed  at  Morristown,  and 
the  Jersey  troops  at  Pompton,  in  New  Jersey.  When 
this  arrangement  was  made,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hull 
was  ordered  with  a  detachment  of  four  hundred  men 
towards  the  White  Plains,  to  form  the  most  advanced 
post  of  the  army  and  protect  the  country  lying 
between  the  Highlands  and  the  enemy's  post  at 
Kingsbridge.  His  principal  station  was  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Croton  river,  near  Pine's  bridge.  He 
established  the  same  regulations  and  encountered  the 
same  arduous  duties,  which  he  had  performed  in  the 
winters  of  1778  and  1779. 

The  condition  of  the  army  at  this  time  was  truly 
distressing.  The  continental  bills  of  credit,  which 
had  been  the  funds,  not  only  to  pay  the  troops,  but 
to  furnish  them  with  subsistence  and  clothing,  had 
become  almost  entirely  worthless.  They  had  depre- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

dated  in  such  a  manner,  that  it  was  no  uncommon 
thing  to  give  a  month's  pay  for  a  breakfast.*  The 
country  was  inundated  with  these  bills,  and  they  were 
of  so  little  value,  that  Congress  had  ceased  to  make 
further  emissions,  and  had  called  on  the  Legislatures 
of  the  States,  to  furnish  specific  articles  for  the  sub 
sistence  and  clothing  of  the  army.  The  States  were 
slow  in  complying  with  these  requisitions,  and  the 
soldiers  suffered  all  the  calamities  which  cold,  hunger, 
and  nakedness  could  produce.  Both  officers  and 
men  severely  felt  their  wretched  condition,  and  com 
plaints  were  heard  from  every  quarter.  Each  succes 
sive  day  increased  the  excitement,  and  a  fearful  crisis 
seemed  approaching. 

The  most  fatal  consequences  were  predicted,  and 
the  States  adopted  no  measures  to  prevent  the  evil. 
On  the  first  of  January,  1781,  the  Pennsylvania  regi 
ments  at  Morristown,  under  the  command  of  General 
Wayne,  rose  in  a  state  of  mutiny. 

They  assembled  under  the  directions  of  their  non 
commissioned  officers,  for  the  purpose,  they  declared, 
of  marching  to  the  seat  of  government,  to  obtain  re 
dress  of  their  grievances. 

General  Wayne  and  the  officers  attempted  to  ex 
ercise  their  authority.  In  making  the  effort,  Captain 
Billing  was  killed,  and  several  officers  wounded.  So 
great  was  the  fury  of  these  men,  that  had  not  Gene- 

*  Copy  of  a  receipt,  found  among  Ham  Hull,  eleven  thousand  two  hun- 

the  papers  of  General  Hull : —  dred  and  fifty  dollars,  for  a  chaise, 

"Boston,  March  16,  1781— Re-  with  a  double  harness, 
ceived  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wil-          (Signed)    JONATHAN  FOWLE." 


1 80  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

ral  Wayne  desisted,  the  sacrifice  of  himself  and 
his  officers  would  most  probably  have  been  the  con 
sequence. 

The  excitement  increased,  and  the  mutineers 
marched  to  Princeton.  They  were  followed  by  Ge 
neral  Wayne,  and  a  number  of  the  most  influential 
officers,  who  did  all  in  their  power  to  dissuade  them 
from  their  purpose.  Their  efforts  were  unavailing. 
A  Committee  of  Congress,  the  President  and  Execu 
tive  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  immediately  repaired 
to  Princeton,  and  opened  a  treaty  with  the  mutineers. 

When  General  Washington,  who  was  at  West 
Point,  received  information  of  this  revolt,  he  delibe 
rated  what  course  it  was  expedient  to  take.  He  was 
sensible  that  there  was  too  much  truth  in  the  griev 
ances  complained  of,  and  that  the  whole  army  was 
in  the  same  unhappy  condition,  in  equal  want  of  the 
necessaries  of  life.  As,  however,  the  civil  authorities 
of  the  State  had  opened  a  negotiation,  he  determined 
not  to  interfere,  but  leave  the  adjustment  of  the  busi 
ness  with  that  body. 

The  Committee  of  Congress  shortly  retired,  and 
the  non-commissioned  officers  negotiated  with  the 
authorities  of  the  State. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  considering  this  defection  as  a 
most  auspicious  event,  immediately  sent  three  per 
sons  as  spies,  from  New-York,  with  instructions  to 
invite  the  disaffected  to  march  within  his  lines,  and 
to  offer  them  the  most  liberal  rewards.  But  Ameri 
can  blood  rose  at  these  degrading  propositions ;  the 
emissaries  were  made  prisoners,  and  the  men  de- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

elared  that  they  had  no  intention  of  deserting  the 
standard  of  their  country.  After  the  terms  of  accom 
modation  were  settled,  they  removed  to  Trenton,  de 
livered  up  the  spies,  who  were  tried  and  executed. 

The  negotiation  ended  in  a  discharge  of  all  who 
had  enlisted  for  three  years  or  during  the  war,  and 
had  actually  served  three  years. 

The  indefinite  manner  in  which  the  enlistments 
were  expressed,  to  serve  for  three  years  or  during  the 
war,  left  the  soldier  at  liberty  to  demand  his  discharge 
at  the  end  of  three  years,  while  the  officer  claimed  his 
services  to  the  end  of  the  war. 

Another  source  of  discontent  arose  from  the  fact, 
that  such  soldiers  as  were  not  bound  by  previous  en 
listments,  received  great  bounties  ;  while  those  who 
had  served  three  years,  were  required  to  continue 
without  a  bounty ;  neither  had  they  been  remunerated 
for  the  services  they  had  already  rendered.  Under 
all  these  irritating  circumstances,  insubordination  be 
came  ascendant,  and  the  mutineers  obtained,  with 
arms  in  their  hands,  every  thing  they  demanded. 

A  part  of  the  Jersey  line,  stationed  at  Pompton, 
perceiving  how  easily  the  Pennsylvania  troops  had 
succeeded  in  the  attainment  of  their  object,  followed 
their  example,  and  at  once  arose  and  asserted  their 
rights. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  detached  a  part  of  his  army 
into  New  Jersey,  under  the  command  of  one  of  his 
Generals,  to  invite  the  Jersey  troops  to  join  the  Brit 
ish  standard ;  endeavouring  to  seduce  them  from 
their  allegiance,  by  rewards  similar  to  those  which  he 


182  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

had  proffered  to  the  Pennsylvania  line.  But  they 
exhibited  the  same  patriotic  indignation  as  their 
brethren,  and  turned  with  disdain  from  his  insidious 
proposals. 

General  Washington,  though  extremely  mortified 
at  the  result  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Pennsylvania 
line,  was  yet  fully  aware,  that  the  Executive  Coun 
cil  could  make  no  better  terms.  He,  however,  viewed 
the  example  as  extremely  dangerous ;  and  on  the 
rising  of  the  Jersey  troops  an  opportunity  was  given 
him  to  act  with  that  energy  and  decision,  which, 
while  it  sustained  military  authority,  convinced  the 
enemy  and  his  country,  that  disaffection  and  mutiny 
had  not  pervaded  the  whole  of  the  American  army. 

A  detachment  was  immediately  formed  under  the 
command  of  Major-General  Howe,  with  orders  to 
march  against  the  mutinous  troops,  and,  by  force,  to 
reduce  them  to  submission. 

The  prompt  and  able  manner  with  which  Gene 
ral  Howe  performed  the  duty  assigned  him,  by  the 
execution  of  several  of  the  ringleaders,  crushed  the 
threatened  mutiny,  and  every  effort  of  the  British 
General  to  encourage  and  increase  it,  was  thereby 
entirely  defeated. 

Colonel  Hull,  with  a  detachment  of  four  hundred 
men,  was  at  this  time  at  his  station  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Croton  river,  for  the  protection  of  the  inhabit 
ants  in  the  county  of  West  Chester. 

When  the  mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  line  com 
menced,  he  was  directed  to  obtain  all  possible  infor 
mation  respecting  the  enemy's  posts  at  and  about 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 


183 


Kingsbridge,  on  the  east  side  of  Harlem  river,  and 
as  low  down  as  Morrissania.  General  Washington 
was  not  only  anxious  to  suppress  this  spirit  of  insub 
ordination,  but  also  of  striking  a  blow  which  would 
give  a  new  direction  to  public  opinion,  and  awaken 
the  enemy  to  a  more  just  appreciation  of  American 
patriotism.*  After  obtaining  all  the  information  in 
his  power,  Colonel  Hull  made  a  communication  to 
General  Heath,  in  which  he  described  the  fortifica- 


*  General  Washington  to  Major- 
General  Heath : — 

"  JVew  Windsor,  7th  January,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR — You  will  be  pleased 
to  observe,  on  the  subject  of  your 
letter  of  last  night,  that  although  I 
am  not  very  sanguine  in  my  expec 
tation  of  the  success  of  the  enterprise 
proposed,  yet  I  think,  in  our  present 
circumstances,  it  will  be  advisable 
to  encourage  it.  Colonel  Hull  may 
therefore  have  permission  to  make 
the  attempt,  in  conjunction  with  the 
militia  :  but  I  would  not  advise  the 
destruction  of  any  houses,  except 
the  temporary  huts,  built  by  the 
Refugees.  Colonel  Drake  may  be 
supplied  with  five  thousand  car 
tridges  for  the  militia:  he  to  be 
accountable  for  the  expenditure  of 
them. 

"  By  a  letter  from  General  Wayne, 
I  am  informed  the  Pennsylvania  line 
still  continued  in  the  same  state  at 
Princeton,  and  that  he  had  received 
intelligence,  that  the  enemy  were 
preparing  to  make  a  movement  into 
Jersey.  Their  attention  being  drawn 


that  way,  may  possibly  make  the  plan 
in  contemplation,  more  practicable. 
I  wish  the  guard-boats  to  keep  a 
vigilant  look-out,  and  the  officers  to 
give  you  the  earliest  information  of 
any  movement  below.  Colonel  Hull 
and  the  militia  Colonels  should  be 
strongly  impressed  with  the  idea, 
that  the  whole  success  depends  ab 
solutely  upon  the  secrecy  and  rapid 
ity  of  the  movement.  It  will  also 
be  well,  to  give  a  reinforcement  of 
an  hundred  men,  from  the  New 
Hampshire  line." 

Note  by  Jared  Sparks  :  "  Colonel 
Hull  was  now  stationed  at  Pine's 
bridge,  near  the  lines,  and  the  plan 
referred  to,  was,  that  of  an  attack 
upon  the  Refugees  of  Delancey's 
corps  at  Morrissania,  in  conjunction 
with  a  party  of  militia  under  Colonels 
Drake  and  Crane.  The  project  had 
been  communicated  by  Colonel  Hull 
to  Genera]  Heath,  with  a  request  to 
be  fa\oured  with  his  opinion." — 
Writings  of  Washingt<m,Vol.  VII, 
page  356. 


184  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

tions  on  the  east  and  north  side  of  Kingsbridge,  and 
the  number  of  troops  which  formed  the  garrisons. 
Likewise  a  fortification  four  miles  below,  on  the  east 
side  of  Harlem  river,  established  for  the  purpose  of 
protecting  a  pontoon '"or  floating  bridge,  to  preserve 
the  communication  with  Fort  Washington. 

He  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  parapets  of 
these  works  were  so  high,  the  ditches  so  deep,  and 
the  pickets  so  strong,  that  they  could  not  be  stormed 
without  a  great  sacrifice,  and  this  could  only  be 
avoided  by  taking  them  by  surprise.  He  further 
stated,  that  there  was  a  British  post  four  miles  below 
the  pontoon  bridge  at  Morrissania,  in  which  was  a 
force  consisting  of  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
commanded  by  Colonel  Delancey.  That  it  was 
composed  of  barracks,  without  regular  fortifications. 
Delancey  had  also  a  company  of  about  forty  men, 
stationed  farther  east,  at  Frog's  Neck  ;  a  point  of 
land  projecting  into  the  East  river,  near  West  Ches 
ter,  and  not  far  from  that  part  of  the  river  Bronx, 
over  which  a  retreating  party  must  pass. 

This  post  at  Morrissania  had  been  in  that  situa 
tion  for  several  years,  and  being  eight  miles  in  the 
rear  of  the  fort  at  Kingsbridge,  and  four  miles  in  the 
rear  of  a  large  part  of  the  British  army  stationed  at 
and  about  Fort  Washington,  no  enterprise  had  ever 
succeeded  against  it.  To  break  up  such  an  estab- 
lisment,  was  an  object  of  much  importance  :  it  being 
garrisoned  by  a  partisan  corps,  which  was  constantly 
committing  depredations  on  the  inhabitants  between 
the  two  armies,  and  likewise  in  the  State  of  Connec 
ticut. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

It  was  suggested,  that  a  body  of  men  might  be 
marched  to  Morrissania  in  the  night,  and  be  success 
ful  in  the  attack,  but  the  difficulty  would  be  in  the 
retreat,  as  the  firing  would  give  the  alarm  at  Forts 
Washington  and  Independence,  and  the  other  British 
posts  in  the  neighbourhood.  To  obviate  this,  so  as 
to  retard  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  he  stated  that 
the  pontoon  bridge  might  be  cut  away  by  the  assailing 
party,  and  thus  prevent  the  British  advancing  from 
Fort  Washington.  Finally,  in  covering  the  retreat 
of  the  troops,  it  would  be  necessary  to  have  a  strong 
detachment  posted  at  East  Chester,  or  on  the  road 
leading  from  Kingsbridge  to  that  place. 

After  this  report  was  made  to  General  Washing 
ton,  he  expressed  great  doubts  as  to  the  success  of 
the  enterprise.  If  the  detachment  should  reduce 
Morrissania,  the  troops  would  be  exposed  to  great 
hazard  in  retreating ;  as  the  distance  from  Fort  In- 
depence  to  East  Chester  was  four  miles,  and  the  dis 
tance  from  Morrissania  was  eight ;  and  the  American 
corps  would  be  also  greatly  fatigued,  after  a  march  of 
thirty  miles,  while  the  British  would  be  fresh  from 
their  post.  He  considered,  however,  that  the  crisis 
called  for  decisive  action  ;  that  in  justice  to  the 
great  body  of  the  army  he  commanded,  still  faithful 
and  unrelaxing  in  duty,  an  opportunity  should  be 
embraced  by  which  they  might  manifest  their  patriot 
ism  and  their  bravery,  both  to  their  friends  and  their 
enemies. 

As  soon  therefore  as  the  revolt  took  place  in  the 
Jersey  line,  he  determined  to  make  a  simultaneous 


186  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

movement  against  the  mutineers  on  his  right,  and  the 
enemy's  post  at  Morrissania  on  his  left.  The  suc 
cess  obtained  by  Major-General  Howe,  has  been  re 
lated.  It  now  remains  to  give  a  narrative  of  the 
enterprise  against  Morrissania.  The  plan  suggested 
by  Colonel  Hull  having  been  approved,  the  execution 
of  it  was  committed  to  that  officer.  His  detachment, 
consisting  of  four  hundred  men,  was  reinforced  with 
one  hundred,  under  the  command  of  Major  Maxwell, 
and  by  a  company  of  militia  cavalry,  consisting  of 
nearly  one  hundred  more,  from  New- York,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Hunnewell.  General  Washing 
ton  ordered  likewise  a  small  body  of  cavalry,  under 
the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Humphreys,  his 
Aid-de-camp,  to  join  these  troops  ;  but  the  state  of 
the  ice-  would  not  permit  their  crossing  the  Hudson. 

The  twenty-second  of  January  was  the  day  ap 
pointed  to  commence  operations,  at  the  same  time 
that  General  Howe  marched  into  New  Jersey  to 
reduce  the  mutineers  to  submission.  Three  regi 
ments  from  the  army  under  General  Parsons  were 
ordered  to  take  a  position  at  East  Chester,  at  day 
light  on  the  twenty-third ;  to  observe  the  motions  of 
the  enemy,  and  cover  the  retreat  of  the  American 
corps. 

On  the  twenty-first  there  was  a  very  heavy  rain, 
which  continued  during  the  night.  The  morning  of 
the  twenty-second  was  fair,  and  about  sunrise  the 
line  of  march  was  formed.  The  distance  to  Morris 
sania  was  thirty  miles,  and  the  intention  was  to  ar 
rive  there  a  little  before  daylight  the  following 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  137 

morning.  The  roads  were  excessively  bad,  and  the 
small  streams  were  swollen  in  such  a  manner  that  it 
was  difficult  to  pass  them. 

The  troops  marched  in  one  column.  Hunnewell's 
cavalry  in  front  and  on  the  flanks  ;  to  secure  the  in 
habitants  from  giving  information  to  the  enemy. 
Two  companies  of  New-York  militia  had  previously 
been  despatched  from  the  country,  to  take  possession 
of  Williams'  bridge,  over  the  Bronx;  the  object  of 
which  was  to  prevent  the  British  from  passing  in  that 
direction  to  East  Chester.  They  were  commanded 
by  Captains  Dennit  and  Benton. 

About  one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  detach 
ment  had,  undiscovered,  passed  Fort  Independence 
and  Kingsbridge,  and  reached  a  point,  as  low  down 
as  Fort  Washington,  which  covered  the  pontoon 
bridge  over  Harlem  river.  Here  it  halted,  when  the 
detachment  was  first  made  acquainted  with  the  ob 
ject  of  the  expedition. 

Arrangements  were  then  made  for  the  plan  of 
attack.  Major  Maxwell,  with  one  hundred  men,  was 
to  approach  a  little  before  daylight,  as  near  the  fort 
which  covered  the  floating  bridge  as  possible,  and  the 
moment  he  heard  the  firing  at  Morrissania,  to  rush 
down,  under  the  walls  of  the  fort,  and  cut  away  the 
bridge  in  such  a  manner  that  it  would  float  down  the 
stream.  The  intention  here  was,  to  obstruct  the 
enemy's  passage  from  Fort  Washington,  and  oblige 
them  to  go  round  by  Kingsbridge.  After  this  duty 
was  performed,  Major  Maxwell  was  directed  to 
march  and  take  a  position  on  the  road,  leading  from 


188  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Morrissania  to  Delancey's  bridge,  over  the  Bronx, 
and  there  remain,  until  the  main  body  returned  from 
Morrissania. 

On  the  route  he  was  to  take,  there  was  a  small 
compact  fort,  garrisoned  with  sixty  men ;  and  it  was 
left  to  the  discretion  of  Major  Maxwell,  to  attempt  to 
carry  it  by  storm,  should  the  circumstances  in  which 
he  was  placed  seem  to  justify  such  an  assault. 

Two  other  detachments  were  formed  ;  one  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Pritchard,  of  sixty  men,  was 
ordered  to  proceed  to  Frog's  Neck,  and  attack  the 
company  at  that  place.  He  was  directed  not  to 
make  the  assault  until  he  heard  the  firing  at  Mor 
rissania,  or  until  daylight.  The  other  of  thirty 
men,  commanded  by  Captain  Williams,  was  to 
take  possession  of  Delancey's  bridge,  over  the 
Bronx,  and  to  maintain  it,  until  the  main  body  re 
turned  from  Morrissania.  Each  party  now  com 
menced  the  march  to  its  appointed  destination.  The 
main  detachment,  commanded  by  Colonel  Hull,  was 
reduced  to  a  little  over  four  hundred  men. 

The  British  force  at  Morrissania,  under  Colonel 
Delancey,  consisted  of  about  the  same  number,  in 
cluding  the  company  at  Frog's  Neck.  The  expecta 
tion  was,  to  take  the  enemy  by  surprise ;  but  an  un 
expected  obstacle  interposed,  within  a  small  distance 
of  their  cantonment.  The  heavy  rain,  the  day  be 
fore,  had  so  greatly  swollen  a  small  creek,  that  the 
passage  of  it  could  only  be  effected  by  mounting  the 
infantry  behind  the  cavalry.  This  required  time  ; 
and  it  was  daylight  before  the  whole  body  advanced 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

from  the  creek.*  A  rapid  march  was  then  made  in 
column,  but  the  assailants  were  fired  on  by  the  out- 
guards,  at  some  distance  from  the  barracks. 

As  the  enemy  were  preparing  to  receive  them, 
Colonel  Hull  ordered  the  line  to  be  formed,  with  the 
cavalry  in  its  rear.  A  firing  commenced,  which  lasted 
but  a  few  minutes,  before  the  enemy  retreated.  The 
cavalry  were  directed  to  charge,  arid  the  infantry  to 
advance  to  their  support.  The  Americans  were  soon 
masters  of  the  field,  the  loyalists  flying  in  every  di 
rection.  Fifty-two  prisoners  were  taken,  and  a  num 
ber  of  beef  cattle  ;  and  as  the  enemy,  being  partly 
cavalry,  had  not  time  to  mount  their  horses,  sixty  of 
them  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 

Without  waiting  to  pursue  the  fugitives,  fire  was 
set  to  the  barracks,  and  to  a  great  quantity  of  forage, 
which  had  been  deposited  there  for  the  army  in  New- 
York,  After  collecting  the  prisoners,  horses  and  cat 
tle,  a  retreat  was  commenced  on  the  road  to  Delan- 
cey's  bridge. 

When  the  firing  commenced  at  Morrissania,  there 
followed  a  tremendous  roar  of  cannon  and  musketry 
from  the  fort,  near  the  pontoon  bridge.  As  the  flames 
ascended  from  the  barracks,  the  alarm  guns  were 
fired  from  Fort  Washington  and  New- York  ;  and  sky 
rockets  were  sent  in  quick  succession  from  all  the 


*  In  the  maps  of  Marshall's  Life  map.     If  there  was  but  one,  the  de- 

of  Washington,  two  creeks  are  laid  tachment  must  have  come  down  on 

down  and  Morrissania  between  them,  the  eastern  side,  crossed  to  Morris- 

I  think  that  my  father  directed  me  sania,  and  re-crossed,  after  the  as- 

to  put  two    on  the  accompanying  sault. — EDITOR. 


]90  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

enemy's  posts.  The  detachment,  with  all  its  incum- 
brances,  now  forded  the  creek  on  the  eastern  side  of 
Morrissania.  Colonel  Hull  directed  a  halt  for  a  few 
minutes  to  refresh  his  troops.  They  heard  the  roar 
ing  of  the  enemy's  cannon,  while  the  sky-rockets, 
flaming  through  the  air,  were  furiously  though  vainly 
spending  their  rage  on  the  too  successful  little  band, 
which  had  scattered  devastation  and  desolation  where, 
but  a  few  hours  before,  quiet  and  security  reigned. 
Sublime  and  imposing  was  the  scene,  yet  it  was  too 
replete  with  danger  to  leave  room  for  enjoyment. 

These  gallant  troops  had  marched  thirty  miles, 
through  deep  and  heavy  roads — had  bravely  faced 
and  subdued  the  foe.  For  twenty-four  hours,  they 
had  neither  rest  nor  sleep,  and  at  this  moment  were 
four  miles  in  the  rear  of  the  main  body  of  the  British 
army,  which  was  then  exerting  its  strength  to  wrest 
the  wreath  of  victory  from  their  brows.  Incumbered 
as  they  were  with  prisoners,  horses,  and  cattle  ;  and 
knowing  that  they  must  contend  over  eight  miles  of 
ground,  for  every  step  of  the  way,  while  a  fresh  and 
ever-increasing  foe  was  assailing  their  rear  and  flanks  ; 
it  seemed  beyond  human  power  to  escape  the  perils 
which  on  every  side  threatened  their  destruction.  But 
victory  had  crowned  their  efforts,  and  stimulated  to  re 
newed  exertion  ;  they  resolutely  prepared  to  persevere 
and  surmount  the  yet  greater  dangers,  which  stood 
between  them  and  safety.  Surely  they  must  have  felt 
that  a  blessing  rested  on  their  arms,  and  that  a  mer 
ciful  Providence  was  their  shield  and  their  strength. 

After  advancing  a  short  distance,  the  detachment 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

was  joined  by  Major  Maxwell.  He  reported,  that  he 
had  completely  effected  his  object,  and  that  the 
bridge  was  floating  down  the  river,  and  it  was  im 
possible  for  the  enemy  at  Fort  Washington  to  pass  at 
that  station. 

As  the  corps  proceeded,  a  fire  of  musketry  was 
heard  in  the  direction  of  Delancey's  bridge.  Colonel 
Hull  rode  forward  to  the  high  ground,  and  perceived 
Captain  Williams  arid  the  enemy  contending  for  the 
bridge.  He  made  a  disposition  of  the  troops  to  as 
sist  him.  The  enemy  soon  retreated  towards  Fort 
Independence,  after  sustaining  some  loss.  The  fugi 
tives  were  about  twenty  in  number,  but  this  was  no 
time  to  pursue  them.  The  march  continued  for  a 
short  time  without  interruption,  until  the  head  of  the 
column  arrived  near  a  stone  church  and  a  jail.  Our 
troops  were  fired  on  from  the  windows  of  the  church. 

Major  Maxwell's  detachment  having  a  number  of 
axes,  used  in  cutting  away  the  bridges.  Colonel  Hull 
ordered  him  to  form  a  column,  with  his  axemen  in 
front,  and  open  a  passage  for  the  troops  to  enter  with 
the  bayonet.  This  he  did,  but  the  enemy  retreated 
from  the  windows  on  the  other  side  of  the  building. 
The  jail  was  then  broken  open,  and  thirty-two  Amer 
ican  prisoners  released,  who  had  been  captured  by 
Delancey's  regiment,  and  there  confined.  A  number 
of  other  prisoners,  belonging  to  the  British,  were  set 
at  liberty,  who  were  confined  for  different  crimes.* 

*  There  was  among  the  Ameri-  jail  to  Colonel  Hull,  whom  he  per- 
can  prisoners,  a  negro  man,  by  ceived  to  be  the  commander  of  the 
name  Tillo.  He  rushed  from  the  corps,  and  falling  on  his  knees,  said, 


]  92  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Here  the  main  body  was  joined  by  Captain  Pritchard, 
who  had  fought  hard  with  the  enemy  at  Frog's  Neck  ; 
had  been  successful  in  routing  him,  and  taken  a  num 
ber  of  prisoners.  Ensign  Thomson  of  his  company 
was  killed,  and  five  or  six  men  killed  or  wounded. 
The  stores  and  forage  collected  at  that  station  were 
destroyed. 

The  different  detachments  being  united,  there 
was  a  weary  and  hazardous  march  to  perform,  before 
we  could  expect  to  meet  the  reinforcement  under 
General  Parsons,  to  cover  our  retreat.  The  fatigue 
of  the  men  was  so  great,  having  had  neither  rest  nor 
sleep  for  thirty  hours,  that  it  seemed  almost  impossi 
ble  to  advance  further.  Colonel  Hull  urged  upon 
them  the  necessity  of  proceeding.  He  told  them,  if 
they  now  came  to  a  halt,  the  whole  corps  would  in 
evitably  be  cut  to  pieces  or  made  prisoners  ;  but  by 
advancing  a  few  miles  farther,  they  would  be  rein 
forced  and  soon  find  the  relief  they  so  much  needed. 

"  Massa,  save  my  life  and  I'll  serve  became  of  age,  that  he  was  then  at 

you  forever."     Colonel  Hull  told  liberty  to  hire  himself  into  any  other 

him  not  to  fear,  they  were  all  safe,  family,  or  go  wherever  he  pleased. 

The  man  continued  faithful  in  the  But  the  simple-hearted  fellow  pre- 

service  of  his  chosen  master,  until  ferred  never  to  leave  General  Hull 

the  end  of  the  war,  when  he  retired  or  his  family,  so  long  as  they  would 

to  his  small  farm  in  West  Chester,  keep  him.     He  has  remained  with 

and  gave  his  young  son  Titto,  a  boy  them  ever  since  the  war  of  the  Rev- 

of  six  years  of  age,  to  Mrs.  Hull,  to  olution,  and  is  now,  in  1845,  at  the 

retain  until  he  was  of  age.     The  old  homestead,  in  Newton,  Massa- 

young  Tillo  proved  equally  faithful,  chusetts,  the  grounds  of  which  were 

as  his  father  had  been,  though  not  first  occupied  by  the  ancestors   of 

possessed  of  such  bright  talents.   He  Mrs.  Hull  in  1630,  and  are  still  in 

was  always  kind  and  willing.    Gen-  possession  of  her  descendants, 
eral  Hull  informed  him,  when  he 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  193 

They  persevered ;  and  never  did   men  bear  a  trying 
situation  with  more  firmness  and  a  better  spirit. 

As  an  attack  was  apprehended  before  a  junction 
could  be  formed  with  the  covering  party,  Colonel 
Hull  selected  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  strongest 
and  least  fatigued  men,  and  formed  them  in  the  rear 
and  on  the  flanks,  taking  the  command  himself.  He 
ordered  Major  Maxwell  to  march  on  with  the  main 
body,  the  prisoners,  cattle,  and  other  incumbrances. 

After  advancing  about  a  mile,  light  parties  of  the 
enemy  appeared  in  the  rear  and  flanks,  and  com 
menced  a  loose  and  scattering  fire.  They  were  soon 
reinforced,  and  their  fire  increased.  Colonel  Hull 
formed  a  solid  body  of  the  rear  guard,  and  directed 
the  officer,  if  the  horse  charged  on  him,  when  they 
arrived  very  near  to  give  one  well-directed  fire,  and 
then  to  remain  in  a  solid  body  and  depend  on  the 
bayonet.  The  cavalry,  observing  this  disposition  of 
our  troops,  did  not  advance  to  the  charge. 

As  the  infantry  of  the  enemy  were  increasing  in 
the  rear,  it  was  apparent  that  they  had  proceeded 
from  Fort  Independence,  having  been  reinforced  from 
Fort  Washington.  Instead,  therefore,  of  passing  di 
rectly  to  East  Chester,  over  Williams'  bridge,  they 
had  filed  to  the  right,  and  crossing  the  river  Bronx 
at  Delancey's  bridge,  had  gained  the  rear  of  the 
American  troops  in  that  direction. 

A  heavy  fire  had  now  commenced  by  the  enemy, 
but  was  constantly  returned  from  our  rear  and  flank 
guard,  without  the  least  disorder,  though  still  moving 

13 


194  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

on  their  march  as  fast  as  their  fatigued  condition 
would  admit. 

When  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  station 
where  General  Parsons  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  re 
treating  corps,  Colonel  Hull  received  from  him  a  mes 
sage  by  his  aid-de-camp,  saying  that  a  column  of  the 
British  were  advancing  from  Kingsbridge,  and  urged 
Colonel  Hull  to  hasten  his  march. 

He  replied,  that  he  would  proceed  as  expeditious- 
ly  as  possible.  The  enemy  were  now  pressing  on 
him  with  increased  force  ;  but  meeting  the  same  res 
olute  resistance  from  the  rear  and  flanks,  a  temporary 
check  was  given  to  their  movements. 

Thus  situated,  another  message  came  to  Colonel 
Hull  from  General  Parsons,  pressing  him  to  march 
with  more  celerity,  as  a  large  body  of  the  enemy 
were  rapidly  approaching,  and  he  feared  that  both  de 
tachments  would  be  cut  off.  Colonel  Hull  replied, 
that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  move  with  more 
rapidity ;  that  if  he  attempted  it,  his  detachment 
would  be  thrown  into  confusion,  and  its  capture  would 
be  inevitable  ;  that  should  General  Parsons  consider 
the  risk  too  great  to  remain,  he  had  better  retreat 
and  save  his  troops ;  while  his  own  detachment,  if 
overtaken,  would  make  the  best  defence  it  could. 

Colonel  Hull  now  ordered  a  hundred  men  to  re 
inforce  his  rear  and  flank  guards,  by  which  means  the 
fire  was  increased,  and  the  enemy  fell  back  a  little, 
but  soon  returned  to  the  charge,  and  the  conflict  be 
came  extremely  severe. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

At  this  critical  moment,  Colonel  Hazen,  who  com 
manded  a  regiment  under  General  Parsons,  came  to 
Colonel  Hull,  and  informed  him,  that  his  regiment 
was  advanced,  and  lay  concealed  behind  a  long  stone 
wall,  which  ran  along  the  road  on  both  sides.  The 
front  of  the  corps  had  then  almost  reached  the  wall 
where  the  men  were  posted.  Colonel  Hazen  imme 
diately  rode  forward,  and  gave  orders  to  his  regiment 
when  to  rise  and  fire.  Colonel  Hull,  in  his  turn,  di 
rected  the  detachment  to  march  on,  until  the  rear  was 
near  the  wall,  and  then  to  cease  firing,  and  retreat 
with  as  much  rapidity  as  possible.  The  plan  suc 
ceeded.  The  British  pressed  on  ;  when  reaching  the 
wall,  the  regiment  rose  up,  on  each  side  of  it,  and 
poured  upon  them  such  a  volley  of  musketry,  that 
they  instantly  retreated.  In  a  short  time,  and  with 
out  further  molestation,  the  detachment  joined  the 
troops  at  East  Chester,  and  the  command  of  the  whole 
then  devolved  on  General  Parsons.  The  number  of 
his  troops,  including  our  detachment,  did  not  exceed 
two  thousand. 

This  insulated  corps  was  more  than  thirty  miles 
distant  from  any  post  of  the  main  army,  or  any  other 
support ;  and  both  officers  and  men  were  worn  down 
with  the  fatigue  and  hardship  they  had  already  en 
countered. 

A  large  body  of  the  enemy  werfc  near,  and  all  the 
British  army  stationed  at  Fort  Washington,  and  at 
the  north  part  of  York  Island,  distant  not  more  than 
five  or  six  miles. 

Under  these  circumstances,  and  the  object  of  the 


196  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

expedition  having  been  obtained,  General  Parsons 
did  not  think  proper  to  pursue  the  advantage  which 
had  been  gained  by  Colonel  Hazen's  regiment,  or  to 
oppose  the  column  that  was  advancing  from  Kings- 
bridge. 

His  position  was  so  critical,  that  it  was  unsafe  to 
halt  a  sufficient  time  to  give  the  troops  refreshment ; 
and  under  a  severe  storm  of  hail  and  snow,  he  commen 
ced  his  march  on  the  Mamaroneck  and  New  Rochelle 
road,  and  continued  it  until  twelve  o'clock  at  night, 
when  the  troops  halted  on  the  borders  of  Connecti 
cut,  after  advancing  twenty  miles  from  East  Chester. 

The  storm,  which  beat  heavily  on  our  path,  was 
a  new  source  of  gratitude  for  an  escape  from  so  many 
dangers.  It  was  viewed  as  a  merciful  interposition  of 
Providence,  to  shield  our  weary  and  nearly  exhausted 
band  from  the  superior  strength  of  an  enemy,  who, 
fresh  and  eager  in  pursuit,  might  soon  have  over 
powered  us,  and  in  their  turn  have  become  the  con 
querors.  The  rain,  as  it  fell  in  torrents,  was  like  the 
wall  of  waters  in  the  Red  Sea,  standing  between  the 
Egyptians  and  the  Israelites.  General  Parsons  stop 
ped  one  day  at  Horseneck,  in  Connecticut,  to  re 
fresh  the  troops.  He  then  marched  them  to  their 
cantonment  in  the  Highlands.* 

Colonel  Hull  proceeded  to  his  former  station  on 
the  Croton  river.  He  made  his  official  report  to  Gen 
eral  Washington.  The  Commander-in-chief,  in  his 
general  orders,  expressed  his  thanks  to  Colonel  Hull 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  IV.— Extract  of  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Hull  to  one 
of  her  daughters. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  197 

for  the  judicious  arrangements  which  he  had  made  in 
planning  the  expedition,  and  for  the  gallant  and  in 
trepid  manner  in  which  it  was  executed. 

General  Washington  reported  to  Congress  the 
circumstances  and  success  of  the  enterprise,  and  Co 
lonel  Hull  received  the  thanks  of  that  body,  for  his 
good  conduct  on  that  occasion. 

The  troops  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Hull, 
being  established  in  their  quarters,  he  applied  to  Gen 
eral  Washington,  in  February,  1781,  for  permission 
to  pass  the  residue  of  the  winter  in  Boston. 

He  had  now  served  in  the  war  six  years,  and  this 
was  the  first  time  that  he  had  asked  leave  of  absence. 
The  six  preceding  campaigns,  he  had  been  constantly 
at  his  post,  excepting  while  attending  on  public  duty 
in  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts. 

During  three  winters  he  was  in  the  field,  com 
manding  the  most  advanced  station  towards  the 
enemy,  and  constantly  exposed,  at  that  inclement 
season,  to  fatigue,  hardships,  and  dangers.  So  severe 
was  the  duty,  that  it  is  seen  by  the  original  orders,  that 
half  of  his  detachment  was  exchanged  every  fort 
night.  His  fine  health  and  energetic  spirit  enabled 
him  to  meet  every  exposure,  uninjured  ;  and  there 
was  not  a  day  that  sickness  disabled  him  from  the 
performance  of  duty.  He  had  taken  an  active  part 
in  all  the  battles  which  were  fought,  where  he  was 
present,  and  they  were  numerous,  obstinate,  and 
bloody. 

He  says  :  "  At  this  distant  period  (1822)  all  my 
recollections  are  alive  on  the  subject ;  and  I  should  do 


198  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

violence  to  the  best  feelings  of  my  heart,  were  I  to 
omit  to  offer  the  warmest  and  most  fervent  expres 
sions  of  gratitude  to  the  Supreme  Disposer  of  human 
events,  that  during  this  highly  interesting  epoch,  my 
health  was  enjoyed,  amidst  numerous  dangers,  while 
so  many  of  my  brave  companions  in  arms  were  con 
stantly  falling  by  my  side." 

Colonel  Hull  having  obtained  leave  of  absence  for 
the  remainder  of  the  winter,  he  repaired  to  Boston, 
and  wras  shortly  after  married  to  the  only  daughter  of 
the  Honourable  Judge  Fuller,  of  Newton,  Massachu 
setts. 

In  referring  to  this  connexion,  he  writes  :  "  It 
was  a  reward  for  all  the  toils  and  dangers  which,  for 
six  years,  I  had  encountered.  It  has  continued  for 
nearly  forty  years,  and  my  beloved  companion  has 
not  only  sailed  with  me  down  the  stream  of  life,  en 
joying  its  prosperous  gales,  but  has  steadily  and 
affectionately  supported  me  in  gloomy  periods,  as 
well  as  in  the  last  most  trying  storm,  which,  by  faith 
in  an  overruling  Providence,  I  have  met  and  borne 
in  all  its  fury*33 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL.  WILLIAM  HULL.  199 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

COLONEL  HULL  DESPATCHED  BY  GENERAL  WASHINGTON  TO  COUNT  DE  ROCHAM- 
BEAU. — PLAN  OF  ATTACK  ON  NEW- YORK  AND  OTHER  POINTS. — CHANGE  OF 

THE  SCENE  OF    OPERATIONS  FROM    NEW-YORK   TO    YORKTOWN. CAPTURE 

OF  THE  ARMY  OF  CoRNWALLIS. WASHINGTON  TAKES  LEAVE  OF  THE  ARMY. 

1781. 

IN  July,  the  French  army,  under  the  command  of 
Count  de  Rochambeau,  arrived  in  the  western  part 
of  the  State  of  Connecticut,  on  its  way  to  join  Gene 
ral  Washington,  then  at  Peekskill  on  the  North 
river. 

At  this  time  Colonel  Hull  received  a  message 
from  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  repair  to  his  quar 
ters,  that  he  might  explain  to  him  his  plan  of  attack 
on  the  enemy,  and  give  him  orders  as  to  the  part  he 
was  to  perform,  in  carrying  it  into  execution. 

It  was  the  intention  of  General  Washington  to 
commence  operations  the  following  morning  at  day 
light.  His  object  was  to  take  by  surprise  the  ene 
my's  posts  on  the  north  end  of  York  island,  at  Kings- 
bridge  and  Morrissania. 

General  Lincoln,  with  a  strong  body  of  troops, 
was  to  proceed  down  the  Hudson,  below  Spuyten- 
devil  creek,  land,  and  attack  the  works  at  and  about 
Fort  Washington,  and  the  Duke  de  Lauzun,  with 
his  regiments  of  horse  and  infantry,  consisting  of 


200  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

about  six  hundred  men,  joined  by  Colonel  Sheldon's 
regiment  of  cavalry,  and  a  detachment  from  the  lines, 
under  General  Waterbury,  to  attack  Delancey's 
regiment  at  Morrissania. 

If  General  Lincoln  succeeded,  General  Washing 
ton  with  the  main  body  of  the  army,  joined  by  Count 
de  Rochambeau,  would  assail  the  forts  on  the  east 
and  north  side  of  Kingsbridge.  These  divisions  were 
to  make  a  simultaneous  attack,  at  daylight,  the  next 
morning.  Should  circumstances  prevent  General 
Lincoln  from  landing  on  York  island,  near  Fort 
Washington,  he  was  directed  to  land  above  Spuyten- 
devil  creek,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  passing  Kings- 
bridge  and  attacking  the  right  flank  of  the  Duke  de 
Lauzun  at  Morrissania. 

General  Washington  despatched  Colonel  Hull  to 
Count  de  Rochambeau,  who  was  then  at  Bedford,  for 
the  purpose  of  explaining  to  him  their  situation,  and 
the  plan  of  operations,  and  directed  Colonel  Hull  to 
attend  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  in  his  attack  on  Morris 
sania. 

Colonel  Hull  was  received  by  Count  de  Rocham 
beau  with  that  easy  politeness  and  courtesy,  the  uni 
form  characteristic  of  the  Frenchman,  whatever  be  his 
birth  or  circumstances  in  life. 

After  the  Count  had  read  his  letters,  he  remarked, 
that  he  was  extremely  happy  that  General  Washing 
ton  had  sent  one  of  his  officers  to  attend  him,  and 
especially  one  who* was  acquainted  with  the  country, 
and  the  enemy's  position.  He  then  remarked,  that 
his  troops  were  very  much  fatigued  by  their  long 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  201 

march  from  Newport ;  that  the  weather  was  extreme 
ly  warm,  and  he  had  then  halted  to  refresh  them ; 
and  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  cook  the  provisions, 
before  the  march  was  resumed.  Colonel  Hull  stated 
to  him  the  distance  he  then  was  from  Kingsbridge 
and  Morrissania,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  march 
at  a  certain  time,  to  arrive  at  those  points  at  the  hour 
General  Washington  had  designated.  The  Count 
laid  his  maps  on* the  table,  when  Colonel  Hull  ex 
plained  to  him  the  whole  plan  of  operations,  as  Gen 
eral  Washington  had  that  morning  communicated 
them  to  him. 

Count  de  Rochambeau  seemed  revolving  the  sub- 

o 

ject,  and  continued  to  ask  a  great  number  of  questions. 
He  then  sent  for  the  Duke  de  Lauzun,  who  shortly 
after  an  introduction  requested  Col.  Hull  to  attend 
him  to  his  quarters.  The  Duke  was  very  particular 
in  his  inquiries.  He  was  informed  of  the  distance  he 
had  to  march,  and  how  important  it  was  for  him  to 
arrive  at  Morrissania  by  daylight  in  the  morning. 
He  replied,  that  both  his  men  and  horses  were  ex 
ceedingly  fatigued,  and  that  they  must  have  a  little 
time  for  refreshment.  Colonel  Hull  urged,  as  much 
as  politeness  would  permit  in  his  situation,  the  neces 
sity  of  marching  earlier.  But  the  fatigue  of  the 
troops  and  the  heat  of  the  weather  prevented  the  line 
being  formed  until  sunset.  Colonel  Sheldon  had 
joined  them,  and  General  Waterbury  was  waiting  at 
the  White  Plains,  when  the  corps  arrived  about  one 
o'clock  in  the  morning. 

At  this  point  Colonel  Hull  wrote  to  General  Wash- 


202  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

ington,  by  the  Duke's  desire,  stating  the  time  of  their 
arrival,  and  that  he  could  not  reach  Morrissania  until 
after  sunrise,  unless  he  should  proceed  with  his  cav 
alry  alone  and  leave  the  infantry  to  follow  him.  That 
such  proposition  had  been  made  to  him,  but  he  had 
objected  to  it,  as,  should  the  attack  prove  unsuccessful 
he  could  not  justify  himself  for  so  doing. 

General  Washington,  it  was  supposed,  was  at 
that  time  equally  as  far  advanced  on  the  North  river 
road.  The  Duke  de  Lauzun  made  a  halt  at  the 
White  Plains,  arid  shortly  after  Count  de  Rochambeau 
joined  him.  The  Duke  then  proceeded  rapidly,  with 
both  cavalry  and  infantry.  When  arrived  within  a 
short  distance  of  Delancey's  bridge,  he  observed  to 
Colonel  Hull,  that  as  it  would  soon  be  daylight,  and 
they  were  so  near  the  point  of  attack,  he  would  pro 
ceed  with  his  cavalry,  and  the  infantry  would  be  able 
to  march  in  time  to  his  assistance.  He  then  made  a 
rapid  advance,  but  it  was  after  daylight  before  he 
reached  Delancey's  bridge,  which  was  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  from  the  enemy's  post. 

A  heavy  fire  of  musketry  was  now  heard.  The 
Duke  de  Lauzun  ascended  the  high  ground,  and  per 
ceived  General  Lincoln's  division  and  the  enemy  in 
full  view  and  closely  engaged.  The  Duke  halted. 
A  regiment  was  seen  advancing  to  reinforce  the  Bri 
tish  troops.  Colonel  Hull  said  to  the  Duke,  u  that 
he  knew  them  by  their  uniform  ;  that  it  was  Delan 
cey's  troop  from  Morrissania."  The  Duke  asked, 
"  What  course  do  you  think  I  had  best  pursue  ?" 
Colonel  Hull  replied,  "  that  as  he  was  a  little  in  the 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  203 

rear  of  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy,  perhaps  he  was 
in  a  good  situation  to  make  an  attack  in  that  quarter." 
He  answered,  "  that  General  Lincoln  was  his  supe 
rior  officer,  and  he  did  not  think  himself  justified  in 
doing  it  without  his  orders."  Colonel  Hull  said,  "  that 
if  the  Duke  would  furnish  a  small  escort  of  cavalry, 
he  would  pass  round  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy, 
and  inform  General  Lincoln  of  his  situation,  and  ob- 
obtain  his  orders."  To  this  he  consented.  When 
Colonel  Hull  met  General  Lincoln,  the  enemy  had 
been  reinforced,  and  were  pressing  hard  on  him.  He 
stated  the  situation  of  the  Duke,  and  that  it  was 
altogether  favourable  to  advance  on  the  right  flank  of 
the  enemy  and  co-operate  with  him.  General  Lin 
coln  replied,  "  that  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  had  received 
his  orders  from  General  Washington,  and  was  not 
under  his  command."  Colonel  Hull  answered,  "  that 
the  senior  officer  in  the  field  commanded,  of  course." 
General  Lincoln  said,  "  not  to  countermand  the  orders 
of  the  superior."  Colonel  Hull  then  remarked,  "  that 
the  enemy  had  left  Morrissania,  and  reinforced  the 
troops  he  was  now  engaged  with  ;  that  consequently 
there  was  no  force  for  the  Duke  to  act  against.  Will 
you,  sir,  give  your  advice  under  the  circumstances  ?" 
General  Lincoln  replied,  "  that  he  should  riot  in  any 
way  interfere  with  the  orders  of  the  Commander-in- 
chief." 

Colonel  Hull  returned  to  the  Duke  de  Lauzun, 
and  informed  him  of  the  result.  He  said  "  he  would 
immediately  send  an  express  to  General  Washington 
for  orders."  The  Commander-in-chief  directed  him 


204  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

to  join  the  main  army,  which  having  now  reinforced 
General  Lincoln,  the  enemy  was  compelled  to  retreat 
over  Kingsbridge. 

When  General  Washington  heard  the  circumstan 
ces,  he  highly  applauded  the  spirit  and  strong  desire 
the  Duke  de  Lauzun  had  manifested,  to  participate 
in  the  action,  but  at  the  same  time  expressed  his 
opinion,  that  General  Lincoln  had  conducted  on 
strictly  military  principles. 

Both  enterprises  having  failed,  and  Count  de  Ro- 
chambeau  being  yet  some  distance  from  the  American 
army,  it  was  advised  that  he  should  halt  several  miles 
from  Kingsbridge,  and  refresh  his  troops.  General 
Washington  marched  to  Dobbs'  Ferry,  and  here  a 
junction  was  formed,  for  the  first  time,  between  the 
American  and  French  armies.  But  the  theatre  of  the 
war  was  now  to  be  changed  from  the  north  to  the 
south,  by  the  determination  of  the  Count  de  Grasse 
to  sail  for  the  Chesapeake  instead  of  Sandy  Hook. 
He  was  at  this  time  in  the  West  Indies,  and  wrote 
General  Washington,  in  August,  that  he  should  sail 
immediately,  and  be  prepared  to  co-operate  with  his 
army.  His  land  troops  consisted,  he  said,  of  three 
thousand  two  hundred  men,  besides  his  naval  arma 
ment,  but  that  he  would  not  be  able  to  remain  longer 
than  the  middle  of  October. 

The  siege  of  New-York  was  therefore  abandoned, 
and  Yorktown  and  Gloucester  in  Virginia,  where 
Lord  Cornwallis  commanded,  became  the  object  of 
the  united  strength  of  the  combined  armies.  About 
two  thousand  Americans,  and  all  the  French  troops 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  205 

under  Count  de  Rochambeau,  were  ordered  to  march 
southwardly. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  ignorant  that  the  Count  de 
Grasse  had  arrived  in  the  Chesapeake,  could  not  pen 
etrate  the  designs  of  Washington,  who  still  endea 
voured  to  keep  up  the  idea  that  New- York  was  the 
point  of  attack.  He  therefore  sent  troops  down  to 
wards  Staten  Island,  had  houses  for  forage  erected, 
and  baking  ovens  built  on  the  Jersey  shore.  Letters 
were  intentionally  written  to  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy,  and  keep  up  the  deception :  and  so  well 
did  the  feint  succeed,  that  the  main  body  of  the  army 
had  arrived  at  Philadelphia  before  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
suspected  the  designs  of  the  American  Commander. 

Twenty  regiments  were  left  in  the  Highlands 
under  the  command  of  General  Heath,  for  the  pro 
tection  of  the  northern  posts.  The  third,  to  which 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Hull  was  attached,  was  in 
cluded. 

It  had  been  the  fortunate  lot  of  the  Massachusetts 
regiments,  to  be  employed  against  the  army  of  Bur- 
goyne  ;  and  as  they  had  shared  in  the  glory  of  an 
event,  with  which  an  overruling  Providence  had  fa 
voured  the  American  cause,  and  likewise  in  the  bat 
tles  of  Trenton,  Princeton,  and  Monmouth,  the  as 
sault  on  Stony  Point  and  other  fortunate  occasions, 
it  was  but  just  that  the  present  opportunity,  which 
presented  prospects  of  the  most  brilliant  success, 
should  devolve  on  that  part  of  the  army  whose  for 
tunes  in  the  south  had  been  less  auspicious  than  those 
of  their  northern  brethren. 


206  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

General  Washington  had,  with  reason,  the  most 
unshaken  confidence  in  the  troops  which  he  selected 
for  the  southern  campaign ;  and  the  issue  of  their 
meeting  with  Cornwallis  showed,  that  their  zeal  and 
ability  were  equal  to  any  and  every  emergency. 

Colonel  Hull  was  now  appointed  Adjutant  and 
Inspector-General  of  the  army  at  West  Point,  and  the 
neighbouring  posts  in  the  Highlands.  The  duties  of 
these  offices  he  performed  until  the  summer  of  1783, 
when  General  Washington  had  returned  from  the 
south,  after  the  capture  of  the  army  of  Lord  Corn 
wallis,  and  resumed  his  command  in  the  Highlands. 

At  this  period,  the  preliminary  articles  of  peace 
were  signed,  and  hostilities  between  Great  Britain 
and  America  ceased.  Colonel  Hull  was  ordered  to 
repair  to  West  Chester,  with  the  command  of  eight 
companies  of  light  infantry,  as  the  civil  government 
had  not  as  yet  been  organized.  The  object  of  this 
corps  was,  to  protect  the  inhabitants  from  the  preda 
tory  incursions  of  the  Refugees,  which  were  made 
with  the  authority  of  the  British  commander. 

The  presence  of  a  military  force  was  therefore 
necessary  for  the  safety  of  this  people,  who  had  for  so 
many  years  been  the  victims  of  suffering,  from  the 
Skinners  and  Cow-boys. 

Colonel  Hull  remained  on  this  station,  until  Sir 
Guy  Carleton  announced  to  General  Washington  that 
he  was  prepared  to  embark  and  deliver  up  to  him  the 
city  of  New- York. 

On  the  22d  of  November,  General  Washington, 
accompanied  by  General  Knox,  Governor  Clinton, 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  207 

and  a  large  number  of  civil  and  military  officers,  ar 
rived  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kingsbridge.  General 
Washington  directed  Colonel  Hull  to  march  his  de 
tachment  of  light  infantry  the  next  morning,  at  day 
light,  to  the  heights,  near  Kingsbridge,  and  take  pos 
session  of  the  forts,  as  soon  as  they  were  evacuated 
by  the  British.  Before  the  sun  arose,  the  American 
troops  were  in  motion,  and  as  they  advanced  the 
British  troops  retired.  Having  proceeded  below  Har 
lem,  Sir  Guy  Carleton  gave  notice,  that  he  would 
not  be  able  to  complete  his  embarkation  until  the 
next  day.  On  that  day  it  rained  incessantly,  and  the 
British  were  not  prepared  to  evacuate  until  the  fol 
lowing  day. 

On  the  memorable  morning  of  the  25th  Novem 
ber,*  when  the  corps  of  light  infantry  commanded  by 
Colonel  Hull  was  paraded  to  escort  the  Commander- 
in-chief  into  the  city,  he  rode  up  in  front  of  the 
troops,  and  remarked,  that  he  felt  peculiarly  happy 
in  witnessing  the  excellent  appearance  and  high  state 
of  discipline  of  that  part  of  his  army  which  was  ap 
pointed  to  attend  him  in  the  last  interesting  mo 
ments  of  his  military  command.  Colonel  Hull  had 
commanded  this  corps  for  five  months,  and  anticipat- 

*  The  25th  of    November    has  honours,  being  seated  on  the  right 

ever  since  continued  a  day  of  Na-  of  the  Mayor, 
tional  Jubilee  in  the  city  of  New-        It  is  not  certain,  that  any  historian 

York.     For  nearly  thirty  years  after  of  the  Revolution  mentions  the  fact, 

this  period,  whenever  General  Hull  that  Colonel  Hull  commanded  .the 

happened  to  be  in  the  city  on  that  troops  on  this  occasion.     But  the 

day,  he  was  invited  to  the  public  grateful  New-Yorkers  never  forgot 

dinner,  and  received  distinguished  it. 


208  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

ing  the  satisfaction  of  performing  so  grateful  a  ser 
vice,  he,  with  the  faithful  co-operation  of  his  officers 
and  men,  had  devoted  constant  attention  to  make  it 
as  perfect  as  possible,  in  the  very  qualities  which  Gen 
eral  Washington  had  commended. 

To  render  this  service  to  their  beloved  Com 
mander  ;  to  hear  his  approving  words  ;  to  gather,  for 
the  last  time,  in  military  array  around  his  honoured 
person,  was  a  full  reward  for  our  long,  severe  trials. 
The  countenance  of  every  officer  and  soldier  was 
lightened  up  by  the  liveliest  expressions  of  joy,  and, 
for  the  moment,  the  thought  of  a  final  separation 
from  the  object  of  our  love,  respect,  and  gratitude, 
was  forgotten.  As  the  procession  advanced,  crowds 
of  citizens  met  us,  hailing  our  approach  and  welcom 
ing  our  entrance  into  their  city.  Vast  bodies  of  pa 
triots,  who  for  seven  years  had  exiled  themselves 
from  their  homes,  were  now  re-occupying  their  de 
serted  dwellings,  and  the  streets,  the  tops  of  houses, 
and  the  windows,  were  filled  with  men,  women  and 
children,  waving  plumes  and  garlands  of  greens  and 
flowers,  and  cheering  our  path  with  every  expression 
of  joy  and  gratitude,  to  which  the  occasion  gave  rise. 

Colonel  Hull  was  directed,  on  the  fourth  of  De 
cember,  to  form  his  detachment  of  light  infantry  at 
the  hotel  near  Whitehall,  where  a  barge  was  pre 
pared  to  receive  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  convey 
him  to  Paulus  Hook.  The  corps  was  formed,  its 
right  wing  at  the  hotel,  the  left  extending  to  the 
barge. 

The   last  affecting  interview  between   General 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  209 

Washington  and  his  officers,  is  thus  described  by 
Chief  Justice  Marshall  and  referred  to  by  Colonel 
Hull,  as  a  correct  and  touching  description  of  that 
interesting  scene.* 

"  At  noon,  the  principal  officers  of  the  army  as 
sembled  at  Francis'  tavern  ;  soon  after  which  their 
beloved  Commander  entered  the  room.  His  emotions 
were  too  strong  to  be  concealed.  Filling  a  glass,  he 
turned  to  them  and  said :  <  With  a  heart  full  of  love 
and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of  you  :  I  most  de 
voutly  wish,  that  your  latter  days  may  be  as  prosper 
ous  and  happy,  as  your  former  ones  have  been  glorious 
and  honourable.'  Having  drank,  he  added  :  '  1  can 
not  come  to  each  of  you  to  take  my  leave,  but  shall 
be  obliged  to  you,  if  each  of  you  will  come  and  take 
me  by  the  hand.'  General  Knox,  being  nearest, 
turned  to  him.  Incapable  of  utterance,  Washington 
grasped  his  hand  and  embraced  him.  In  the  same 
affectionate  manner,  he  took  leave  of  each  succeeding 
officer.  In  every  eye  was  the  tear  of  dignified  sensi 
bility  ;  and  not  a  word  was  articulated,  to  interrupt 
the  majestic  silence  and  the  tenderness  of  the  scene. 

"  Leaving  the  room,  he  passed  through  the  corps  of 
light  infantry  and  walked  to  Whitehall,  where  a 
barge  waited  to  convey  him  to  Paul  us  Hook.  The 
whole  company  followed,  in  mute  and  solemn  pro 
cession,  with  dejected  countenances,  testifying  feel 
ings  of  delicious  melancholy,  which  no  language 
can  describe. 


*  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  IV.,.  page  677. 

14 


210  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

"  Having  entered  the  barge,  he  turned  to  the  com 
pany,  and  waving  his  hat,  bade  them  a  silent  adieu. 
They  paid  him  the  same  affectionate  compliment, 
and  after  the  barge  had  left  them,  returned  in  the 
same  solemn  manner  to  the  place  where  they  had 
assembled." 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  H0IA.  211 


CHAPTER   XX. 

DISBANDING  OF  THE  ARMY. — ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  SOCIETY  OF  CINCINNATI. 
— MISSION  TO  QUEBEC. 

1784. 

BEFORE  General  Washington  retired  from  his 
command,  he  was  authorized  by  Congress  to  disband 
the  whole  army,  excepting  one  regiment  and  a  corps 
of  artillery.  This  regiment  was  composed  of  such 
officers  as  he  should  designate,  and  with  that  descrip 
tion  of  soldiers  which  had  enlisted  for  three  years, 
and  whose  term  of  service  had  not  yet  expired.  Co 
lonel  Hull  was  selected  by  the  Commander-in-chief 
as  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  regiment,  and  ac 
cepted  the  appointment. 

These  troops  were  stationed  at  West  Point,  dur 
ing  the  winters  of  1783-4,  and  now  composed  the 
whole  of  the  peace  establishment ;  General  Heath 
being  first  in  command,  and  Colonel  Hull  second. 

Previous  to  disbanding  the  army,  the  officers  formed 
a  Society,  which  they  denominated  "  The  Society  of 
the  Cincinnati."  The  objects  of  the  institution  were 
to  commemorate  the  great  events  which  gave  inde 
pendence  to  the  United  States  of  North  America,  for 
the  laudable  purpose  of  inculcating  the  duty  of  laying 
down  in  peace  arms  assumed  for  public  defence ;  and 


212  .REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

of  uniting  in  acts  of  brotherly  affection  and  bonds  of 
perpetual  friendship,  the  members  constituting  the 
same.  Each  officer  deposited  a  month's  pay,  for  the 
establishment  of  a  fund,  the  interest  of  which  was  to 
be  applied  to  the  relief  of  such  unfortunate  officers 
and  their  families,  W7hose  necessities  should  require  it. 

General  Washington  was  elected,  and  accepted 
the  appointment  of  President  of  the  Society.  Besides 
the  Parent  Society,  the  officers  of  each  State  were 
formed  into  a  separate  Society,  as  a  branch  of  the 
Parent  Society,  and  it  was  decided  that  once  in  three 
years,  each  State  Society  should  choose  delegates,  to 
meet  in  Convention,  to  regulate  the  concerns  of  the 
general  Society  ;  and  that  the  President  of  the  Pa 
rent  Society  should,  ex  qfficio,  be  a  member  of,  and 
preside  at  the  general  conventions. 

The  first  general  meeting  was  held  at  Philadel 
phia,  in  May,  1784.  General  Knox,  Colonel  Hull, 
and  Major  Serjeant,  afterwards  Governor  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  Territory,  were  appointed  delegates  to  attend 
the  meeting.  After  the  interesting  business  which 
had  called  them  together  was  finished,  Colonel  Hull 
returned  to  his  station  at  West  Point. 

By  the  definitive  Treaty  of  Peace  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  which  was  ratified  in 
the  year  1783,  the  boundary  line  was  drawn  and 
described  between  the  British  dominions  and  the 
United  States.  The  forts  Niagara,  Detroit,  Michi- 
limackinac,  and  several  smaller  posts,  garrisoned  by 
British  troops,  were  situated  within  the  limits  of  the 
United  States.  It  was  stipulated  in  the  treaty  that 


[LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL. 

these  forts  should  be  delivered  into  our  possession, 
without  unnecessary  delay,  not  specifying  any  par 
ticular  time. 

A  year  had  passed,  and  they  were  still  garrisoned 
by  British  troops.  The  possession  of  these  posts 
being  of  great  importance  to  the  United  States, 
Colonel  Hull  was  commissioned  by  the  Government 
to  repair  to  Quebec,  arid,  by  virtue  of  the  treaty,  to 
make  a  formal  demand  of  the  Governor-General  of 
that  province,  that  they  should  be  surrendered. 

In  the  event  of  a  compliance  with  the  demand, 
he  was  directed  to  visit  each  of  them,  and  authorized 
to  negotiate  for  the  cannon  and  munitions  of  war 
which  they  contained,  for  an  equal  quantity  in  value, 
to  be  delivered  to  the  British  Government,  on  the 
seaboard,  or  on  any  navigable  waters,  where  it  would 
be  convenient  for  delivery  to  both  parties. 

Colonel  Hull  writes :  "  On  my  arrival  at  Quebec, 
I  was  received  by  General  Haldimand  with  great  po 
liteness.  After  communicating  to  him  the  object  of 
my  mission,  under  the  authority  of  my  Government, 
he  invited  me  to  a  conference.  He  stated  that  he 
had  received  no  instructions  from  his  Government  to 
comply  with  my  demand.  I  inquired  if  he  had  re 
ceived  the  definitive  treaty  of  peace,  ratified  by  his 
Government.  He  answered,  that  he  had  not,  but 
expected  every  day  the  arrival  of  a  ship  from  Eng 
land,  which  probably  would  bring  it.  In  the  course 
of  a  few  days  the  ship  arrived.  He  then  invited  me 
to  another  conference,  in  which  he  stated  that  he  had 
received  the  treaty,  but  no  instructions  to  deliver  up 


214  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  posts.  I  asked  him  whether  the  treaty  was  not 
sent  to  him  officially,  and  ratified  by  his  Government* 
He  replied,  it  was.  I  again  asked  whether,  as  the 
representative  of  his  Government,  he  did  not  consi 
der  that  it  was  his  duty  to  execute  such  regulations 
and  stipulations  as  had  been  made,  and  such  as  it 
might  be  considered  he  was  delegated  to  carry  into 
effect.  His  answer  was,  not  without  particular  in 
structions.  1  then  observed,  that  my  views  of  the 
subject  were  different.  That  I  could  imagine  no 
reason  why  his  Government  should  send  him  the 
treaty,  without  an  intention  of  his  carrying  into 
effect  that  part  of  it  which  related  to  his  province. 
That  treaties  were  considered  as  laws,  and  were  to 
operate  as  such  ;  that  it  was  contrary  to  the  practice 
of  all  nations,  after  laws  were  made  and  published, 
with  all  the  formalities  attending  them,  for  the  fra- 
mers  to  give  particular  instructions  for  their  execu 
tion  ;  it  became  at  once  the  duty  of  the  judicial  and 
executive  officers  to  see  them  carried  into  effect ;  that 
if  any  regulation  on  the  subject  of  the  Indian  De 
partment,  or  the  commerce  of  the  province  was  offi 
cially  sent  to  him,  duly  authenticated,  he  certainly 
would  consider  that  it  was  his  duty  to  carry  it  into 
operation,  without  waiting  for  particular  instructions 
on  the  subject. 

"  I  concluded  by  saying,  that  it  was  of  great  im 
portance  on  our  part,  that  the  stipulations  of  the 
treaty,  with  respect  to  the  posts  within  our  territory, 
should  be  carried  into  effect,  and  I  was  bound  to  say, 
that  I  could  see  no  good  reason  why  there  should  be 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  215 

further  delay,  consistent  with  that  good  faith  which 
characterized  his  nation. 

"  The  Governor  replied,  that  this  reasoning  did 
not  satisfy  him  that  it  was  his  duty  to  deliver  up  the 
posts.  That  if  it  had  been  the  intention  of  the  Bri 
tish  Ministers  that  he  should  do  so,  they  would  have 
given  him  specific  instructions  for  the  purpose ;  that 
he  was  a  military  officer  and  a  foreigner,  adopted  into 
the  British  service ;  and  the  rule  of  his  conduct  ever 
had  been,  and  would  continue  to  be,  to  follow  the 
clear  and  particular  orders  of  the  Government  he  had 
the  honour  to  serve. 

"  Perceiving  there  was  not  the  least  prospect  of 
accomplishing  the  object  of  my  mission,  I  expressed 
my  regret  and  apprehension  that  disagreeable  conse 
quences  might  result ;  and  that  my  continuance  at 
Quebec  would  be  of  no  further  use ;  I  had  only  to 
demand  my  passport  to  return  through  the  province 
to  the  United  States.  I  proceeded  to  Philadelphia 
and  made  my  report  to  the  President  of  Congress. 
As  the  regiment  to  which  I  had  been  appointed  was 
discharged,  I  now  returned  to  enjoy  the  tranquil  and 
happy  scenes  of  civil  and  domestic  life. 

"  From  information  obtained  in  Canada,  I  was 
satisfied  that  it  was  not  the  intention  of  the  British 
Government  at  that  time  to  deliver  up  these  posts." 

As  soon  as  the  manner  in  which  the  boundary  line 
established  between  the  United  States  and  the  Can- 
adas  was  published,  very  strong  remonstrances  were 
made  by  the  members  of  the  Northwest  Fur  Com 
pany,  and  other  influential  characters  in  those  prov- 


216  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

inces.  It  was  stated,  that  a  vast  region  had  been 
ceded  to  the  United  States,  to  which  before  they  had 
no  claim,  and  to  which  they  had  obtained  no  title  by 
conquest ;  that  this  country  comprehended  the  best 
soil  for  cultivation  and  settlement ;  was  situated  in  a 
temperate  climate,  inhabited  by  numerous  tribes  of 
Indians ;  where  the  Northwest  Company  had  estab 
lished  their  trading  houses,  and  from  which  their 
principal  wealth  was  derived.  It  was  further  added, 
that  the  British  Commissioners  who  made  the  treaty 
were  either  ignorant  of  the  immense  value  of  the 
country,  and  its  importance  to  the  Canadas,  or  were 
not  disposed  to  pay  that  attention  to  the  interests  of 
his  Britannic  Majesty's  subjects  residing  in  those 
provinces,  which  the  spirit  and  loyalty  they  had 
manifested  during  the  war  had  merited. 

Another  view  given  was,  that  the  numerous 
tribes  of  savages,  who  inhabited  those  extensive  re 
gions,  were  equally  dissatisfied,  and  were  determined 
not  to  submit  to  the  superintendence  of  the  United 
States,  or  suffer  their  traders  to  come  into  their  coun 
try.  It  was  asserted  that  the  Ohio  and  Alleghany 
rivers  ought  to  have  been  the  boundary,  and  that 
this  could  now  be  effected  by  encouraging  the  In 
dians  to  hostility.  This  policy  was  adopted  ;  the 
posts  were  retained,  and  the  tragical  wars  which  sub 
sequently  took  place,  were  carried  on  by  the  Indians, 
at  the  expense  of  the  British  Government. 

This  state  of  things  continued,  until  the  hostile 
tribes  experienced  a  total  defeat  by  our  army  under 
General  Wayne  in  1793.  The  following  year,  the 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  217 

posts  were  surrendered,  after  the  ratification  of  a 
new  treaty  with  England,  made  by  Mr.  Jay.  The 
British  Government  never  admitted  that  the  object 
of  holding  these  posts  was  to  aid  the  Indians  in  the 
prosecution  of  their  wars.  Other  causes  were  as 
signed,  such  as  legal  impediment  in  the  payment  of 
debts  due  to  British  subjects,  confiscation  of  the  pro 
perty  of  loyalists,  and  prosecuting  them  for  the  part 
they  had  taken  during  the  war. 


218  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

SHAYS'  REBELLION. 

1786. 

THE  regiment  to  which  Colonel  Hull  was  at 
tached,  on  the  peace  establishment,  being  disbanded, 
he  retired  from  the  army,  and  established  his  resi 
dence  in  Newton,  Massachusetts.  He  commenced 
the  practice  of  the  law,  and  was  engaged  in  the  per 
formance  of  such  public  duties  as  from  time  to  time 
fell  in  his  way,  and,  as  a  public-spirited  man,  gave 
him  pleasure  to  perform.  In  politics  he  held  enlarged 
views.  He  neither  contended  alone  for  sectional  in 
terests,  nor  for  the  exclusive  advancement  of  a  parti 
cular  party,  but  solely  for  such  principles  as  he  be 
lieved  to  be  consistent  with  the  genius,  and  would 
most  promote  the  happiness  of  a  people  just  emerged 
from  the  thraldom  of  monarchical  systems,  and  who 
had  severely  struggled  to  obtain  their  rights. 

Before  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  in  1789, 
like  many  others,  he  feared  there  was  a  tendency  to 
form  a  government  of  a  more  consolidated  character 
than  was  necessary,  and  which  would  prove  unac 
ceptable  to  the  people  at  large,  by  producing  that  in 
equality  of  rights  observable  in  European  States. 

To  oppose  this,  his  talents  and  his  influence  were 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  219 

exerted  ;  and  no  persecution  or  ill  treatment  from  the 
men  whom  he  had  assisted  to  elevate  to  power,  could 
betray  him  into  inconsistency  of  conduct,  involving  a 
compromise  of  principles,  for  which  he  had  ever  and 
earnestly  contended.  The  same  policy  marked  his 
conduct  in  the  suppression  of  Shay's  rebellion,  fifteen 
years  previous  to  the  elections  of  1801,  when  he 
urged  and  assisted  to  exact  obedience  to  the  powers 
that  be,  and  a  patient  waiting  for  the  only  legitimate 
mode  of  redress,  the  elective  franchise. 

Though  he  went  with  a  party  on  leading  princi 
ples,  he  did  not  deem  it  necessary  to  bend  every  man 
to  his  own  views,  to  obtain  office,  but  conferred  ap 
pointments  wherever  he  found  talent  and  merit  to 
deserve  them.  Such  was  his  practice  while  Governor 
of  the  Michigan  Territory.  He  never  admitted  the 
doctrine,  that  because  there  existed  a  difference  of 
political  sentiment,  a  man  was  therefore  disqualified, 
however  honest  and  able,  from  the  performance  of 
public  duty.  In  the  commencement  of  the  war  of 
1812,  he  was  authorized  by  the  Government  to  nom 
inate  such  persons  as  his  judgment  approved,  for  ap 
pointments  in  the  army.  He  only  desired  to  be  in 
formed  if  the  candidate  was  a  faithful  supporter  of 
the  Constitution  of  his  country,  and  qualified  to  serve 
her  interests.  He  asked  not  whether  he  was  a  re 
publican  or  a  federalist. 

Soon  after  peace  was  established,  a  disaffected 
spirit  was  perceptible  among  the  people.  The  com 
merce  of  the  colonies,  previous  to  the  war  of  the  Re 
volution,  having  been  almost  exclusively  with  Eng- 


220  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

land,  large  debts  were  due  to  her  merchants.  From 
the  years  1775  to  1784-5,  no  part  of  these  debts  had 
been  paid.  The  treaty  of  peace  provided,  that  there 
should  be  no  legal  impediment  to  their  collection. 
Notwithstanding  this  provision,  the  Legislature  of 
Massachusetts  had  passed  laws  which  protected  the 
debtors  from  paying  the  interest  which  had  accrued 
during  the  war.  This  being  justly  viewed  by  the 
British  Government  as  a  violation  of  the  treaty,  and 
represented  to  Congress  as  such,  these  laws  were  re 
pealed,  and  the  course  of  justice  was  open.  British 
agents  were  sent  over,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting 
these  debts.  The  merchants  who  had  imported 
goods,  being  called  on,  were  under  the  necessity  of 
calling  on  the  traders  in  the  country,  to  whom  they 
had  sold  them  on  credit.  The  traders,  in  their  turn, 
were  compelled  to  demand  payment  of  the  people, 
who  had  been  the  consumers  of  the  goods.  The 
consequence  was,  that  lawsuits  were  multiplied  be 
yond  all  former  example.  In  addition  to  this,  taxes 
were  very  heavy ;  specie  was  scarce  ;  and  that  alone 
was  received  in  payment.  Much  real  distress  was 
produced  by  this  state  of  things.  As  the  difficulties 
daily  increased,  the  excitement  became  great,  and 
the  oppressed  felt  that  it  was  necessary  to  examine 
the  cause,  and  make  exertion  for  relief.  It  was  im 
possible  for  them  to  be  unmindful  how  cheerfully 
they  had  devoted  their  personal  services,  and  the 
fruits  of  their  industry,  to  the  support  of  the  war. 
That  having  thus  aided  in  securing  the  blessings  of 
peace  and  independence,  they  hoped  and  expected  to 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  22 

have  participated  in  the  enjoyment  of  them.  In  then- 
new  situation,  they  experienced  nothing  but  embar 
rassment,  oppression,  and  distress.  Such  reflections 
convinced  them,  that  there  was  some  radical  defect 
in  the  Government.  From  individual  complaints, 
neighbours  began  to  assemble,  to  discuss  their 
grievances.  These  small  bodies  were  increased  to 
town  meetings,  and  then  into  county  conventions. 
There  the  oppressive  system  was  painted  by  their 
leaders  in  the  most  gloomy  colours.  In  August, 
1786,  the  selectmen  of  Newton,  Massachusetts,  re 
ceived  a  letter,  signed  by  Captain  John  Nutting, 
chairman  of  a  committee  from  the  towns  of  Groton, 
Pepperell,  Shirley,  and  Ashley,  inviting  the  town  to 
send  delegates  to  a  county  convention  at  Concord,  to 
discuss  their  grievances,  and  devise  measures  for  ob 
taining  redress.  In  these  .meetings,  it  was  represent 
ed,  that  the  difficulty  was  the  want  of  a  circulating 
medium ;  that  this  evil  could  easily  be  removed  by 
issuing  paper  money,  and  making  it  a  legal  tender  for 
the  payment  of  debts  and  taxes  ;  that  the  courts  of 
justice  ought  to  be  closed,  until  the  circulating  me 
dium  could  be  increased,  and  facilities  thus  furnished 
for  the  relief  of  debtors.  Courts  and  lawyers  were 
denounced  as  the  instruments  of  oppression,  and  they 
shared  largely  in  the  popular  resentment.  A  pam 
phlet  had  been  written  with  great  art  and  address, 
and  circulated  under  the  signature  of  "  Honestus"  It 
was  read  and  commented  on  in  the  public  meetings, 
and  contributed  much  to  inflame  the  minds  of  the 
people.  Even  moderate  and  substantial  men  began 


222  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

to  think  that  evils  existed  in  the  Government,  and  the 
spirit  of  disaffection  was  spreading,  more  or  less,  over 
every  part  of  the  State.  The  malcontents,  trusting 
in  their  strength,  from  the  increase  of  their  numbers, 
and  the  unanimity  of  their  views,  felt  that  the  time 
for  action  had  arrived  ;  and  the  first  step  taken  was, 
to  prevent  in  the  several  counties  the  sittings  of  the 
Courts. 

In  the  autumn,  the  period  having  arrived  for  the 
Courts  of  Common  Pleas  to  hold  their  sessions,  the 
insurgents  assembled  in  arms,  and  took  possession  of 
the  court-houses.  When  the  judges  went  to  take 
their  seats,  bayonets  were  presented  to  their  breasts, 
and  they  were  informed,  that  it  was  the  will  of  their 
sovereign  lords,  the  people,  that  the  Courts  should  be 
adjourned  sine  die.  No  force  having  been  ordered 
for  the  support  of  their  authority,  they  were  obliged 
to  comply,  and  the  sittings  were  prevented.  Such 
were  the  violent  and  lawless  proceedings  that  took 
place  in  the  counties  of  Berkshire,  Hampshire,  and 
Worcester,  that  the  rebels  succeeded  in  expelling  the 
lawyers  and  judges  from  their  seats  in  the  General 
Court.  Encouraged  by  this  success,  and  the  partisans 
of  the  cause  continually  increasing,  they  formed  the 
bold  design  of  calling  a  general  convention,  for  the 
purpose  of  .overturning  the  Government,  and  estab 
lishing  a  new  one  on  its  ruins. 

There  were  now  three  parties  recognized,  the 
friends  of  the  Government,  the  wavering,  and  the  in 
surgents. 

Governor   Bowdoin,   of  Massachusetts,  was   in 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  223 

favour  of  taking  strong  and  decisive  measures.  Pre 
viously  to  the  meeting  of  the  Court  in  Concord,  it 
was  known  to  be  the  intention  of  the  insurgents  to 
oppose  by  arms  their  proceedings.  The  Legislature 
not  being  in  session,  the  Governor  invited  the  repre 
sentatives  of  Boston,  and  some  gentlemen  from  the 
country,  into  his  Council. 

Colonel  Hull  was  a  member  of  this  Council.  The 
question  was  considered,  whether  it  was  expedient  to 
call  out  the  militia  to  protect  the  Court  in  its  sessions 
at  Concord.  A  large  majority  was  in  favour  of  sus 
taining  the  civil  powers  by  a  military  force.  The 
Governor  accordingly  gave  orders  to  General  Brooks, 
who  commanded  the  militia  of  the  county,  to  march 
a  detachment,  the  day  before  the  Court  met.  Some 
of  the  judges  and  influential  characters  hearing  it 
was  the  intention  of  the  Governor  to  send  a  military 
force  to  sustain  the  civil  authority,  repaired  to  Boston 
two  days  before  the  session  of  the  Court.  They 
made  such  a  representation  of  the  temper  and  feelings 
of  the  people,  as  induced  him  to  countermand  his 
orders  to  the  militia. 

At  the  same  time  the  expedient  was  recommend 
ed  of  sending  expresses  to  the  different  towns  ;  de 
siring  them  to  send  delegates  to  meet  in  Convention, 
on  the  morning  of  the  session  of  the  Court.  The 
object  was  to  open  a  negotiation  with  the  insurgents, 
and  endeavour  to  dissuade  them  from  their  purpose. 

On  the  morning  of  the  assembling  of  the  Court, 
the  judges,  the  lawyers,  and  other  constituent  mem 
bers  of  the  Court,  with  the  members  of  the  Conven- 


224  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

tion  and  the  insurgents,  were  all  proceeding  by  dif 
ferent  routes  to  the  town  of  Concord.  A  short  time 
previously  to  the  meeting  of  the  Court,  a  body  of 
armed  insurgents  arrived  from  the  north,  took  posses 
sion  of  the  court-house,  and  instead  of  negotiating 
with  the  Convention,  which  had  assembled  in  the 
meeting-house,  made  its  members  prisoners. 

Soon  after,  a  reinforcement  arrived  from  the  west, 
and  formed  a  junction  with  their  brethren  from  the 
north.  The  judges  had  met  at  the  hotel,  and  were 
preparing  to  proceed  to  the  court-house. 

Colonel  Hull  and  some  other  gentlemen  were 
present.  It  was  not  long  before  a  body  of  armed 
men,  with  several  officers,  came  to  the  house,  and 
inquired  for  the  judges.  The  officers  informed  the 
judges  that  they  were  a  committee  from  the  great 
body  of  the  people  in  arms,  and  were  instructed  to 
inform  them  that  they  had  taken  possession  of  the 
court-house,  with  a  determination  to  prevent  the 
session  of  the  Court. 

An  attempt  was  made  to  reason  with  them.  They 
replied,  that  they  had  no  authority  to  enter  into  dis 
cussion,  but  only  to  deliver  their  message.  They 
then  returned  to  the  main  body.  It  was  decided, 
under  the  circumstances,  to  adjourn,  and  the  judges, 
and  their  associates  in  public  duty,  returned  to  their 
homes. 

The  insurgents  remained  in  the  town  until  the 
following  morning,  and  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
Court,  released  from  prison  the  members  of  the  Con 
vention. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  225 

Late  in  the  autumn  the  Legislature  met.  Find 
ing  that  the  imprisonment  of  a  number  of  the  insur 
gents  had  been  of  no  avail,  and  the  utmost  efforts  of 
the  civil  authority  were  in  vain  exerted  to  crush  the 
spirit  of  rebellion  rapidly  spreading  over  the  land,  it 
was  now  resolved  to  take  strong  measures.  A  body 
of  militia,  consisting  of  four  thousand  four  hundred 
men,  rank  and  file,  were  ordered  to  be  ready  to  act 
in  January.  Major-General  Benjamin  Lincoln  was 
appointed  Commander-in-chief.  General  Rufus  Put 
nam  and  Colonel  Hull  accompanied  him,  as  volun 
teers.  General  Shepherd,  with  a  detachment  of 
militia,  consisting  of  between  eleven  and  twelve 
hundred  men,  was  ordered  to  Springfield,  for  the 
protection  of  the  arsenal. 

The  insurgents  had  chosen  for  their  leader  a  man 
by  the  name  of  Daniel  Shays,  who  had  served  as  a 
captain  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  He  had  risen 
to  that  rank  in  the  ordinary  routine  of  promotion ; 
but  had  never  performed  any  service  that  gave  him 
distinction  as  an  officer.  Before  the  war  ended,  he 
was  obliged  to  leave  the  army,  for  some  dishonourable 
conduct.  The  force  collected  by  Shays  amounted  to 
about  two  thousand  men.  When  he  heard  of  the 
approach  of  General  Lincoln's  army,  he  decided  to 
attack  General  Shepherd,  before  he  could  be  rein 
forced  by  General  Lincoln.  General  Shepherd  had 
thrown  up  some  slight  redoubts  on  the  rising  ground, 
for  the  security  of  the  arsenal.  On  these  he  placed 
several  pieces  of  cannon.  When  the  insurgents  ad 
vanced,  an  aid-de-camp  was  sent  by  General  Shep- 

15 


226  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

herd,  to  inquire  the  object  of  their  movement.  Shays 
replied,  that  they  intended  to  take  possession  of  the 
arsenal,  and  continued  to  advance.  They  were 
warned  to  stop,  or  they  would  be  fired  upon.  This 
having  no  effect,  General  Shepherd  ordered  a  few 
shot  to  be  fired  over  their  heads.  Instead  of  taking 
the  alarm,  they  advanced  with  still  more  pertinacity. 
The  column  was  now  near,  and  the  batteries  were 
ordered  to  be  opened  upon  it.  Several  were  killed, 
some  wounded,  and  the  whole  body  was  thrown  into 
confusion.  Without  attempting  to  rally,  they  imme 
diately  retreated  up  the  Connecticut  river,  and  took 
a  position  on  the  opposite  bank,  at  West  Springfield. 

General  Lincoln  having  arrived,  formed  his  de 
tachment,  and  gave  to  General  Putnam  the  command 
of  the  right  and  Colonel  Hull  the  command  of  the 
left  wing.  We  immediately  passed  the  river  on  the 
ice,  but  before  we  could  come  in  contact  with  the  in 
surgents,  they  retreated.  We  pursued,  until  darkness 
arrested  our  progress.  We  took  a  number  of  pris 
oners.  They  retreated  as  far  as  the  town  of  Hadley, 
where  they  fell  off  to  the  right,  and  took  a  position 
in  the  defiles  of  the  mountains  at  Pelham,  twelve 
miles  from  East  Hadley.  General  Lincoln  advanced 
as  far  as  this  place,  where  he  halted  a  few  days. 
While  here,  many  of  Shays'  adherents  came  in,  and 
availed  of  the  pardon  General  Lincoln  was  author 
ized  to  grant.  The  main  body  still  continued  with 
Shays,  in  a  strong  position  at  Pelham. 

General  Lincoln  commenced  the  pursuit  in  the 
evening,  and  making  a  forced  march  through  a  violent 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  227 

snow-storm,  surprised  the  insurgents  in  their  camp ; 
who  fled  in  every  direction.  No  lives  were  lost,  but 
more  than  one  hundred  men  were  taken  prisoners. 
The  residue  retreated ;  some  into  the  State  of  Ver 
mont,  others  into  the  back  part  of  the  State  of  New- 
York  ;  while  many  returned  to  their  homes,  and 
asked  the  clemency  of  the  Government. 

On  the  tenth  of  March,  the  General  Court  ap 
pointed  three  Commissioners  ;  General  Lincoln,  the 
Honourable  S.  Philips,  Juri.,  and  the  Honourable  S.  A. 
Otis,  to  proceed  to  the  western  counties,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  granting  amnesty  to  the  insurgents,  on  their 
making  submission  and  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance. 
Seven  hundred  and  ninety  persons  took  the  benefit  of 
the  commission.  Shays,  Wheeler,  Parsons,  Luke, 
Day,  and  a  few  others,  were  excepted.  Fourteen 
were  arrested,  and  convicted  of  high  treason.  They 
received  the  sentence  of  death,  but  were  all  ulti 
mately  pardoned. 


228  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  SPIRIT  OF  DISAFFECTION  CONTINUES. — INSTRUCTIONS  TO   THE    REPRESEN 
TATIVE   OF  THE   TOWN   OF   NEWTON,   MASSACHUSETTS,  PREPARED   BY    CoLO- 

NEL  HULL. 

1787. 

NOTWITH STANDING  all  opposition  to  the  Govern 
ment  had  been  put  down  by  the  force  of  arms,  yet 
an  uneasy  and  dissatisfied  spirit  among  the  people 
was  still  apparent,  The  policy  adopted  was,  to  clas 
sify  the  citizens,  and  each  class  was  required  to  fur 
nish  a  recruit  at  the  enormous  expense  of  three  or  four 
hundred  dollars.  This  regulation  involved  many  in 
debt,  and,  among  other  causes,  was  a  source  of  the 
present  embarrassment.  At  the  ensuing  election  for 
Governor,  Mr.  Hancock  was  a  candidate,  in  opposi 
tion  to  Mr.  Bowdoin,  and  was  elected  by  a  large  ma 
jority.  In  the  choice  of  Senators  and  Representatives 
great  efforts  were  made  to  select  persons  favourable 
to  the  plans  of  the  insurgents,  which  were  successful 
in  many  instances. 

In  Newton,  where  Colonel  Hull  resided,  there 
was  a  manfest  disposition  to  oppose  the  Government. 
The  people  succeeded  in  electing  a  man,  by  name 
Edward  Fuller,  who  had  openly  justified  the  conduct 
of  the  insurgents.  When  this  choice  was  announced 
at  the  town  meeting,  some  surprise  was  expressed, 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  229 

and  it  was  moved,  that  the  town  should  give  him 
instructions,  and  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare 
them.  This  motion  was  carried.  Colonel  Hull  was 
a  member  of  the  committee,  and  was  requested  to 
prepare  the  instructions.  It  was  accordingly  done,  and 
the  report  was  handed  in  and  was  accepted  by  a  large 
majority.  It  is  curious  to  remark  the  inconsistency 
of  this  proceeding  of  the  people,  who  had  elected  a 
man  professing  sentiments  entirely  opposite  to  those 
contained  in  his  instructions,  as  follow  : 

"March  18,  1787.     Instructions  to  Captain  Edward  Fuller,  Representa 
tive  for  the  Town  of  Newton, 

"  SIR — Chosen  to  represent  this  town  in  the  next 
Legislature  at  this  solemn  period  of  our  public  affairs, 
you  will  soon  be  called  on  to  reflect  and  decide  upon 
principles  and  measures,  on  which  will  depend  the 
happiness,  the  dignity  and  the  perpetuity  of  our  gov 
ernment.  As  the  part  you  are  to  act  is  of  such  im 
portance,  and  as  we  are  deeply  interested  in  the  re 
sult  of  your  deliberations,  we  think  it  our  duty  to  fur 
nish  you  with  every  information  in  our  power  for  the 
regulation  of  your  conduct. 

"  We  must,  in  the  first  place,  take  upon  ourselves 
to  observe  to  you,  that  the  office  of  legislation  is  an 
elevated  trust,  in  which  the  general  good  should  be 
the  sole  object  of  attention.  As  the  influence  of  pas 
sion,  of  private  interest,  or  party  views,  would  be 
contrary  to  your  oath,  and  subversive  of  the  very 
design  of  your  appointment,  we  must  expect,  in  mat 
ters  that  may  come  before  you,  that  you  will  inquire 


REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

with  candour,  think  with  coolness,  and  decide  with 
sobriety,  firmness,  and  magnanimity. 

"  On  taking  a  view  of  the  several  important  acts 
of  the  Legislature  of  the  past  year,  you  will  find  that 
a  late  unnatural  and  unprovoked  rebellion,  which  has 
convulsed  the  country,  has  been  the  subject  of  their 
particular  attention  ;  and  that  their  adoption  of  de 
cided  measures  has  arrested  its  progress,  and  restored 
to  the  country  the  blessings  of  peace. 

"  These  measures  we  consider  to  have  been  ne 
cessary  to  the  salvation  of  our  country.  But  while 
we  congratulate  you  on  the  wisdom  which  suggested, 
and  the  success  which  attended  them,  we  are  con 
strained  to  say,  that  much  remains  to  be  done.  The 
same  energetic  arm  must  fall  on  the  untamed  spirit, 
or  it  will  be  found  that  the  interests  of  the  best  mem 
bers  of  the  community  will  fall  a  sacrifice  to  the 
lawless  views  of  the  worst.  That  this  will  be  the 
case,  the  rise,  progress,  and  present  state  of  our 
civil  commotions,  afford  the  most  unequivocal  proof. 

"  Although  the  object  of  the  rebellion  was,  at 
first,  thought  by  many  to  be  the  total  destruction  of 
our  present  Government,  yet  the  Legislature,  imput 
ing  to  delusion  what  we  have  since  had  reason  to 
believe  was  the  result  of  a  most  malignant  spirit  of 
faction,  gave  a  general  pardon  to  characters  whose 
crimes,  under  an  administration  less  mild,  would 
have  destined  them  to  an  ignominious  death. 

"  That  the  great  body  of  the  people  at  this  period, 
suffered  real  grievances,  is  as  true  as  that  the  mea 
sures  they  adopted  to  obtain  redress  were  improper 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  231 

and  unjustifiable.  During  a  long  war,  their  com 
merce  had  been  cut  off,  and  their  fishery,  a  great 
source  of  their  wealth,  annihilated.  The  most 
healthy  and  able  young  men  had  been  taken  from 
agriculture  and  attached  to  the  army. 

"  The  last  years  of  the  war,  the  bills  of  credit  hav 
ing  entirely  failed,  the  people  had  been  classed,  to 
furnish  the  military  service.  They  had  paid  heavy 
taxes  each  year  of  the  war,  and  in  addition  to  this, 
they  had  sustained  their  proportion  of  loss,  of  about 
two  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  by  the  depreciation 
of  paper  money,  which  had  sunk  to  nothing  in  their 
hands.  Now,  when  peace  was  restored  and  military 
duty  ended,  they  found  their  resources  exhausted  ; 
but,  nevertheless,  they  were  required  to  pay  their 
taxes  in  specie,  and  likewise  their  debts,  which  had 
been  nearly  doubled  by  the  accumulation  of  interest 
during  the  war. 

"  Men  who  had  considered  themselves  indepen 
dent,  were  now  oppressed  by  poverty  and  debt.  But 
deplorable  as  their  condition  was,  they  lived  under  a 
government  of  their  own  choice,  and  should  have 
considered,  that  violent  and  unlawful  measures  would 
only  recoil  on  themselves.* 

*  The  authority  to  govern  and  the  ruled  for  a  time  their  reason  and 

duty  to  obey,  are  directly  taught  by  their  sense  of  duty,  must  in  the  end 

Revelation.     Government  is  not  of  have  been  thankful,  that  there  was 

man's  invention ;  it  was   given  by  a  strong  arm  in  the  land,  that  could 

God.     That  it  receives  the  sanction  stay  them  from  the  excesses  and 

of  religion,  gives  wisdom  and  energy  ruin  into  which  they  were  plunging, 

to  its  acts.     Certainly  the  very  men,  — EDITOR. 
whose  sufferings  and  passions  over- 


232  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

"  Law  was  necessary  to  the  protection  of  their  per 
sons  and  their  property.  They  chose  their  legislators 
for  a  short  period,  and  could  dismiss  them  at  the  pro 
per  time,  if  they  believed  them  unworthy  of  their  con 
fidence.  Reluctantly  did  the  rulers  of  the  State 
draw  the  sword,  as  the  last  resort.  But  its  energy 
and  decision,  no  less  than  the  conciliatory  course 
pursued  by  the  Commander-in-chief  of  its  army, 
crushed  the  insurrection,  and  peace  was  restored 
without  the  horrors  and  bloodshed  incident  to  civil 
war. 

"  The  virtue  of  the  higher  classes  preserved  the 
State,  perhaps  the  Union.  A  feeling  of  irritation  ex 
isted  among  the  people,  which,  had  it  been  fostered, 
and  their  cause  sustained  by  men  of  talents,  influence, 
and  military  experience,  would  have  produced  incal 
culable  misery,  and  long  hindered  a  restoration  to 
peace  and  order,  which  was  so  happily  and  speedily 
established.  But  in  the  true  spirit  of  depravity, 
mercy  was  construed  to  be  weakness ;  and  the  flames 
of  insurrection  spreading  with  accelerated  fury,  the 
courts  of  justice  were  interrupted,  the  laws  laid  pros 
trate,  the  rights  of  property  put  afloat,  and  all  per 
sonal  security  at  an  end. 

"  In  this  state  of  things,  a  military  force  was  the 
only  alternative.  Called  to  act  at  a  most  timely  pe 
riod,  and  exercised  with  a  happy  combination  of 
mercy  and  severity,  coolness  and  spirit,  opposition 
from  the  rebels  ceased,  and,  apparently,  order  and 
good  faith  were  restored.  The  arm  of  mercy  was 
again  extended.  But  what  appears  to  be  the  conse- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  233 

quence  ?  Not  a  return  to  their  allegiance,  but  still 
cherishing  the  spirit  of  rebellion,  threaten  hostilities, 
and  triumph  in  their  escape  from  justice.  This  spirit 
must  be  subdued.  The  measures  adopted  by  the  last 
Legislature,  have  met  our  highest  approbation ;  and 
we  expect  that  you  will  exert  your  influence  to  secure 
their  permanency,  so  long  as  the  necessity  exists. 

"  Much  has  been  said,  of  late,  in  regard  to  the 
emissions  of  paper  money,  to  relieve  the  burthens,  or, 
in  the  language  of  the  factious  and  disorderly,  to  re 
dress  the  grievances  of  the  people.  We  must  say  to 
you,  sir,  that  the  measure  would  not  only  be  produc 
tive  of  certain  ruin  to  individuals,  but  to  the  commu 
nity. 

"  Money  being  the  representative  of  transferable 
property  in  every  part  of  the  world,  to  which  the  use 
of  it  extends,  the  precious  metals,  which  the  whole 
commercial  world  has  adopted  as  a  medium,  in  the 
principles  of  their  circulation  resemble  a  fluid,  ever 
striving  for  an  equilibrium.  When  money  is  scarce, 
property  at  market  will  ever  be  cheap.  Cheapness 
of  markets  will  always  bring  purchasers,  and  purcha 
sers,  cash.  When  money  is  too  plenty,  prices  will 
rise  in  proportion,  and  purchasers  will  send  their 
money  to  other  markets,  where  similar  articles 
will  be  bought  at  a  cheaper  rate.  Long  experience 
has  established  the  truth  of  this  position,  that  money 
cannot  long,  in  any  place,  be  too  plenty  or  too  scarce, 
but,  in  commercial  countries,  must  bear  the  same  pro 
portion  to  the  property  at  market. 

"  The  evils,  therefore,  which  we  now  experience, 


234  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

in  the  nature  of  things  must  work  their  own  cure. 
Patience  and  industry,  united  to  honour  and  integrity 
in  our  dealings,  are  the  only  remedies  to  be  applied. 

"  To  seek  relief  by  paper  money,  would  be  a  poli 
tical  empiricism,  founded  in  fraud,  which  would  in 
volve  individuals  in  ruin,  and  eventually  beggar  our 
country.  However  paradoxical  it  may  seem,  the  in 
jury  the  State  would  receive  from  a  paper  medium, 
would  be  in  proportion  to  its  credit.  The  reason  is 
obvious.  If  we  now  have  a  deficiency  of  specie,  and 
that  deficiency  is  supplied  by  bills  of  credit,  no  specie 
will  come  in.  Should  we  extend  the  emission,  so  as 
to  occasion  a  surplusage,  compared  with  other  com 
mercial  places,  that  part  of  the  medium  which  can, 
will  leave  us,  until  the  level  is  restored. 

"  Gold  and  silver  being  general  in  their  credit,  in 
their  credit  would  only  forsake  us.  In  case,  then,  of 
a  foreign  invasion,  where  would  be  our  resources  ? 
The  paper  money  would  at  once  fall  to  the  ground, 
and  we  should  find  ourselves  poor  and  wretched  in 
the  extreme,  without  supplies,  without  money,  and 
without  credit. 

"  A  paper  bill  can  be  of  no  value,  but  as  it  repre 
sents  specie.  The  notes  of  the  Massachusetts  Bank, 
for  instance,  circulate  freely,  because  it  is  believed 
they  will  always  be  redeemed  at  sight,  while  the 
State  securities  are  sold  at  a  large  discount,  as  the 
time  and  manner  of  their  payment  is  totally  uncertain. 

"  Thus  it  is  with  the  bank  bills  of  England  ;  they 
circulate  at  par ;  at  the  same  time,  the  paper  of  their 
public  funds  is  sold  at  a  discount  of  twenty-five  to 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  235 

thirty  per  cent.  That  our  bills,  if  emitted,  would  not 
be  a  representative  of  specie,  is  certain,  since  the  want 
of  it  is  the  only  reason  for  the  emission.  The  value 
of  such  a  medium,  therefore,  must  be,  at  the  moment 
it  is  issued,  less  than  it  promise?.  How,  then,  shall 
it  obtain  circulation  ?  Shall  we  tread  in  the  footsteps 
of  Rhode  Island,  and  discharge  with  it  our  public 
debt,  and  then  make  it  a  tender  in  all  private  con 
tracts  ?  Shall  we  then  bury,  in  one  common  grave, 
public  and  private  credit  ?  Would  not  this  render  our 
country  infamous  to  a  proverb  ?  And  here,  sir,  we 
may  be  permitted  to  express  our  belief,  that  a  gov 
ernment  which  suffers  the  rights  of  property  to  be 
thus  sported  with,  cannot  long  retain  its  tranquillity 
or  its  freedom. 

"  The  hard  earnings  of  industry,  are  almost  as  dear 
as  life  itself ;  and  no  one  who  has  the  feelings  of  a 
man  about  him,  will  ever  yield  them  up  without  a 
struggle. 

"  The  first  article  in  our  Bill  of  Rights  declares, 
'  that  all  men  are  born  free  and  equal,  and  have  cer 
tain  natural,  essential,  unalienable  rights,  among 
which  may  be  reckoned  the  rights  of  enjoying  and 
defending  their  lives  and  liberties ;  and  that  of  ac 
quiring,  possessing  and  protecting  property.' 

"  As  the  discharging  of  debts  by  a  paper  medium 
would  be  a  high  invasion  of  the  rights  of  property, 
the  preservation  of  which  is  among  the  principal  ob 
jects  of  legislation ;  it  is  plain,  that  an  act,  authorizing 
a  measure  of  this  kind,  would  be  a  violation  of  dele 
gated  trust,  and  tend  to  the  dissolution  of  the  Govern- 


236  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

ment.  It  is  therefore  our  most  serious  opinion,  that 
whenever  legislators  attempt  to  take  away  or  destroy 
private  property,  allegiance  is  no  longer  a  virtue  ; 
and  the  people  are  again  thrown  upon  their  natural 
and  reserved  rights. 

"  But  we  regret  to  remark,  that  our  present  con 
vulsed  state  of  society  takes  its  rise  from  a  principle 
of  opposition  between  debtors  and  creditors  ;  be 
tween  the  rich  and  the  poor :  a  source  from  whence 
has  arisen  most  of  those  civil  wars,  which,  after 
having  drenched  in  blood  a  greater  part  of  the  an 
cient  and  many  of  the  modern  republics,  have  occa 
sioned  the  ruin  of  them  all. 

"  Objections  will  always  exist  to  the  Laws  of  Ten 
der,  and  all  other  expedients  which  interfere  with 
private  contracts.  The  moment  a  government  as 
sumes  the  power  of  authorizing  a  debtor  to  discharge 
his  debts  in  a  manner  different  from  his  engagements, 
all  private  confidence  is  lost,  and  credit  is  at  an 
end.  The  money-holder  will  not  only  withhold  his 
loan,  but  send  it  to  some  foreign  country,  where  the 
rights  of  property  are  held  more  sacred.  It  is  our 
opinion,  that  the  present  scarcity  of  specie,  which 
was  at  first  partial,  but  now  universally  prevails,  is 
principally  occasioned  by  the  very  measures  intended 
as  a  remedy. 

"  You  will  therefore  use  all  your  endeavours  to  pre 
vent  a  continuance  of  the  Law  of  Tender,  and  all 
others  interfering  with  private  engagements. 

"It  is  a  misfortune,  that  corporate  bodies  will  fre 
quently  sanction  acts,  which  in  their  individual  capa 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  237 

cities  they  would  blush  to  avow.  But  we  wish  you 
to  bear  in  mind,  that  justice  is  invariable  in  all  her 
laws.  Should  an  attempt  be  made  to  stamp  a  de 
preciation  on  the  public  securities,  and  thereby  to  de 
fraud  those  who,  in  a  day  of  public  distress,  advanced 
their  property  and  devoted  their  lives  to  the  service 
of  their  country,  we  conjure  you,  in  the  most  solemn 
manner,  to  oppose  such  legislation.  As  we  revere 
the  principles  of  justice  and  the  feelings  of  gratitude, 
let  the  idea  never  obtain  in  our  councils ;  let  the 
thought  never  find  utterance,  that  we  are  members 
of  a  community,  where  ingratitude  is  countenanced 
by  authority ;  where  injustice  is  sustained  by  law. 
We  are  alike  subject  to  internal  commotions,  as  ex 
posed  to  external  invasion.  The  safety  of  our  coun 
try  may  again  call  for  public  credit  and  public  ser 
vices  ;  it  is  therefore  important  that  laws  be  enacted, 
to  secure  confidence  in  the  faith  of  our  Government. 

"  Placing  the  subject  on  the  broad  basis  of  na 
tional  policy,  a  firm  reliance  on  the  integrity  of  Gov 
ernment  should  never  be  shaken.  Debt  ought  never 
to  be  cancelled  until  fully  paid. 

"  Before  the  expiration  of  the  present  year,  the 
attention  of  the  Legislature  will  probably  be  called  to 
consider  the  report  of  the  Federal  Convention,  now 
sitting  in  Philadelphia.  Experience  has  taught,  that 
the  powers  of  the  present  confederacy  are  inadequate 
to  the  great  objects  of  its  institution.  We  look  to 
the  happiest  results  from  the  integrity  and  ability  of 
the  characters  who  compose  this  august  assembly. 
They  are  men  who  have  uniformly  been  distinguished 


238  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

as  the  firm  patriots  of  our  country,  and  the  illustrious 
Washington  is  one  of  their  number.  Should  this  body 
present  to  the  Legislature,  as  we  doubt  not  they  will, 
a  system  which  promises  a  firm,  efficient  Federal  Gov 
ernment,  founded  on  the  equal  principles  of  civil  lib 
erty,  you  will  not  hesitate  to  vote  for  it. 

"  You  will  consider,  sir,  that  government  is  insti 
tuted  for  the  benefit  and  happiness  of  the  people. 
You  will  therefore  avoid  attempting  to  lay  any  other 
burthens,  excepting  those  which  a  solemn  regard  to 
public  faith  and  public  justice  render  necessary.  In 
your  inquiries  on  these  points,  we  think  you  will  find 
that  taxes  on  lands  and  on  polls  are  too  high.  Use 
your  endeavours,  therefore,  to  draw  the  necessary 
revenue  from  a  different  quarter  ;  a  much  larger  pro 
portion,  we  conceive,  should  be  derived  from  impost 
and  excise  on  the  luxuries  of  life.  By  adhering  to 
such  a  system,  the  burthens  will  lie  on  those  who  are 
able  and  willing  to  bear  them,  and  afford  support 
and  encouragement  to  the  temperate  and  frugal. 

"  As  the  public  burthens  and  embarrassments  are 
heavy,  it  is  important  that  the  greatest  economy  be 
introduced  into  every  department  of  Government. 
We  would  wish  to  have  the  salaries  of  all  public  offi 
cers  as  low  as  is  consistent  with  the  dignity  and 
honour  of  their  station.  If  money  has  become  more 
valuable  than  when  the  salaries  were  established,  a 
reduction  of  them  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  original 
principle  on  which  they  were  granted. 

"  In  fine,  sir,  you  will  use  your  constant  endeav 
ours,  that  a  sacred  regard  should  be  had  for  public 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  239 

and  private  faith ;  that  the  rights  of  debtor  and  cred 
itor  be  equally  secured  ;  that  justice  be  the  pole-star 
of  all  your  public  movements ;  in  order  that  Govern 
ment  may  find  it  easy  to  enforce  it  among  our  citi 
zens.  Let  agriculture  and  manufactures  be  encour 
aged,  and  there  cannot  be  a  doubt  but  that  we  shall 
soon  rise  superior  to  present  evils,  and  become  a 
happy  and  prosperous  people." 

"  Voted — That  the  foregoing  proceedings  and 
instructions  be  certified  by  the  Town  Clerk,  and 
printed  in  some  public  newspaper." 


240  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

PETITION  TO  CONGRESS   FOR   PAY  OF  OFFICERS  AND  SOLDIERS  OF  THE  REVO 
LUTIONARY  ARMY. 

IN  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  powers  were  granted  to  Congress  to  make 
provision  for  the  public  debt,  contracted  during  the 
war. 

The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Revolutionary 
Army  were  the  last  class  of  creditors  who  applied  for 
that  indemnity  to  which  their  well-earned  services 
had  entitled  them.  For  a  long  time  it  was  considered 
that  no  application  was  necessary.  They  relied  on 
the  justice  of  their  claims.  Their  services,  and  the 
manner  in  which  they  had  been  remunerated,  were 
inscribed  on  the  Records  of  Congress.  Not  more 
than  one-eighth  part  of  the  consideration-money  had 
been  paid  them.  Under  these  circumstances,  they 
felt  assured  the  satisfaction  of  their  claims  would  have 
been  among  the  first  objects  of  the  Government. 
They  were  disappointed.  Waiting  three  years  after 
the  organization  of  the  Constitution  for  a  disburse- 

o 

ment  of  their  claims,  the  officers  could  wait  no 
longer,  without  a  dereliction  of  duty  they  owed  them 
selves  and  the  soldiers  who  had  served  with  them 
during  the  war. 

They  called  a  meeting  to  consult  on  measures  for 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  241 

relief.  It  was  determined  to  present  a  petition  to 
Congress,  and  to  prepare  a  circular,  to  be  addressed 
to  the  officers  of  the  other  States,  to  invite  their  co 
operation  in  the  measures  that  had  been  adopted. 

By  the  wish  of  the  officers  of  Massachusetts,  Co 
lonel  Hull  was  requested  to  repair  to  Philadelphia, 
then  the  seat  of  Government,  to  explain  and  enforce 
their  petition. 

On  his  arrival  in  March,  he  found  no  agents  from 
any  of  the  other  States,  and  believing  that  a  united 
application  would  have  more  effect,  than  from  one 
State  alone,  he  did  not  present  the  petition  to  Con 
gress. 

For  the  purpose  of  uniting  all  the  influence  of 
those  who  were  interested,  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
the  senior  officer  of  each  State,  of  which  the  follow 
ing  is  a  copy  : 

CIRCULAR. 

Philadelphia,  April,  1792. 

SIR — In  conformity  to  an  appointment  and  in 
structions  from  the  officers  of  the  Massachusetts  line 
of  the  American  army,  I  have  attended  at  the  seat 
of  Government  from  the  20th  of  March  to  the  present 
period.  The  object  of  rny  commission  was  to  obtain 
a  decision  on  a  memorial,  which  they  had  heretofore 
presented  to  Congress,  on  the  subject  of  further  com 
pensation  for  themselves  and  the  soldiers  who  served 
during  the  war.  Although  in  the  first  instance,  sim 
ilar  applications  were  expected  from  those  in  the 
different  States  who  were  interested,  yet  expectation 
was  defeated  by  a  delay  of  the  communication,  con 

16 


242  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

tained  in  the  Circular  Address  of  28th  February,  and 
an  idea  that  an  earlier  adjournment  of  Congress  would 
have  taken  place. 

Finding  myself  thus  situated,  and  considering 
that  the  officers  and  soldiers  through  the  United  States 
were  equally  interested  in  the  question,  I  deemed  it 
a  mark  of  respect  and  attention,  due  to  them,  not  to 
propose  a  consideration  of  the  subject,  until  they  had 
an  opportunity  of  becoming  applicants  in  the  mea 
sures  we  had  adopted,  and  of  affording  us  the  aid  of 
their  advice  and  assistance. 

As  a  proper  investigation  and  decision  of  this 
question,  is  of  the  highest  importance  ;  affording  re 
lief  to  a  large  number  of  our  companions  of  the  war, 
whose  distresses  are  only  equalled  by  their  patience ; 
and  as  a  union  of  sentiment  and  measures  will  be 
most  likely  to  effect  the  object  of  our  reasonable 
wishes  ;  I  have  particular  instructions  from  the  offi 
cers  of  Massachusetts,  to  request  a  co-operation  of 
the  officers  of  your  line,  at  the  opening  of  the  next 
session  of  Congress.  They  will  attend  at  that  time 
by  their  agent  or  agents,  and  a  final  decision  will 
doubtless  be  obtained.  As  my  brother  officers  in 
Massachusetts  have  intrusted  this  business  to  my 
care,  and  as  I  have  devoted  some  attention  to  the 
consideration  of  the  subject,  I  flatter  myself  you 
will  not  deem  it  improper  in  me,  in  this  communica 
tion,  to  make  some  general  observations  thereon. 
The  claim  of  the  army  on  the  public,  is  so  fixed  in 
the  unalterable  principles  of  justice,  that  they  ought 
to  feel  the  fullest  confidence  of  success. 


LIFE  OP  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  243 

The  people  of  America  know,  and  the  public  re 
cords  will  ever  perpetuate  a  recognition  of  the  ser 
vices  which  have  been  rendered,  and  the  manner  in 
which  they  have  been  remunerated.  An  attempt  to 
prove  that  a  demand  of  the  most  sacred  nature  still 
remains  uncancelled,  would  be  only  to  show  that  a 
part  is  less  than  the  whole. 

The  case  in  point,  indeed,  is  stronger  than  any 
that  can  be  adduced  in  its  support ;  and  the  feelings 
of  every  honest  heart  will  overcome  every  argument 
which  sophistry  can  devise  or  ingenuity  invent,  in 
opposition  to  the  claim. 

Were  I  to  attempt  an  investigation  of  the  subject, 
it  would  appear,  from  the  most  authentic  documents, 
that  the  public  engagement  to  the  army  was  for  a 
specific  sum  in  specie.  That  certain  military  services 
were  to  be  rendered  in  consequence  of  this  engage 
ment.  That  there  has  been  a  full  acknowledgment 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  that  the  services 
have  been  faithfully  performed.  That  the  public 
neither  discharged  the  demand  in  specie  nor  in  other 
property,  equivalent  to  specie.  That  the  certificates 
being  unsupported  by  funds,  had  no  other  value  than 
what  was  stamped  on  them  by  public  opinion.  That 
this  value  was  sanctioned  by  the  uniform  adjudication 
of  the  Courts,  throughout  the  United  States,  in 
causes  relating  to  this  kind  of  property.  That  the 
same  principle  has  been  recognized  by  the  Legisla 
tures  of  the  different  States,  in  a  variety  of  instances. 
That  Congress  itself,  under  the  Confederation,  was 
impressed  with  the  same  sentiments,  particularly  in 


244  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  instance  of  the  sale  of  the  lands  in  the  Western 
Territory,  for  a  price  greatly  enhanced,  in  conse 
quence  of  payment  being  made  in  certificates. 

From  these  facts,  it  most  conclusively  follows,  that 
the  claim  of  the  army  is  not  chimerical,  but  founded 
in  justice.  From  these  facts,  and  the  conclusion 
which  follows,  what  possible  reason  can  be  given, 
why  we  should  not,  in  a  manly  manner,  ask  for  our 
rights  ?  The  present  Government  is  not  only  en 
dowed  with  the  ability,  but  was  formed  for  the 
express  purpose  of  establishing  justice.  While  the 
services  of  those  men,  who  cheerfully  endured  every 
toil,  hardship,  and  danger,  which  are  incident  to  a 
military  life  ;  who  persevered  in  the  service  of  their 
country,  until  peace  and  happiness  were  restored, 
remain  unrewarded,  it  can  never  be  said  that  this 
object  has  been  attained. 

The  pleasure  which  every  honest  American  must 
feel,  from  a  reflection  on  the  present  prosperous  state 
of  his  country,  must  necessarily  be  impaired  by  the 
consideration,  that  those  services  are  unrewarded, 
which  modesty  need  not  blush  to  say,  greatly  contri 
buted  to  that  public  felicity  which  is  now  enjoyed. 
Nor  is  this  all.  Many  of  the  men  who  performed 
these  services,  are,  from  the  want  of  the  just  compen 
sation  which  was  promised  them,  now  pining  in  indi 
gence,  languishing  in  jails,  or  compelled  to  seek  a 
subsistence  in  the  neighbourhood  of  savages,  upon 
the  frontiers  of  the  United  States  ;  while  every  thing 
they  eat,  drink,  or  wear  in  their  distressing  situations, 
is  taxed,  to  pay  the  difference  between  the  former 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  245 

low  and  present  high  value  of  their  certificates,  to 
the  present  holders  of  them. 

To  show  that  those  persons  who  are  entitled  to 
the  public  consideration,  can  easily  be  distinguished  ; 
that  a  further  compensation  can  be  made,  by  paying 
only  the  debt  which  actually  existed  at  the  lime  when 
the  funding  system  was  adopted ;  and  that  in  doing 
it,  no  new  debt  \vill  be  created  ;  and  that  the  pur 
chasers  of  alienated  securities,  will  not  be  affected, 
or  any  interference  be  made  with  any  systems  which 
have  been  adopted  ;  1  beg  leave  to  present  the  fol 
lowing  statement. 

The  army  may  be  divided  into  four  classes : — 

First.  Those  whose  term  of  service  expired  first 
January,  1776. 

Second.  Those  whose  term  of  service  expired 
first  January,  1777. 

Third.  Those  who  enlisted  in  the  year  1777,  for 
three  years  or  during  the  war.  The  term  of  service  of 
those  who  enlisted  for  three  years,  expired  in  1780. 

Fourth.     Those  who  enlisted  in  1780. 

The  first  and  second  classes  have  no  well  founded 
claims,  because  there  was  no  depreciation  of  the 
money  at  the  time  they  were  paid.  The  fourth  class 
perhaps  have  no  claim  in  equity,  because  the  large 
bounties  they  received  were  a  full  equivalent  for  their 
services.  The  third  class,  with  the  officers,  remain 
only  to  be  considered.  They  depended  wholly  on  the 
stipulations  of  Congress.  This  class,  having  served 
during  the  principal  part  of  the  war,  received  certifi 
cates  in  payment,  the  value  of  which  has  been  con- 


246  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL1; 

sidered.  They  returned  home  under  the  disadvan 
tages  of  having  the  habits  of  their  former  occupations 
impaired  by  their  military  pursuits ;  their  property 
and  connexions  deranged  and  lost,  and  their  families 
involved  for  a  necessary  support.  Thus  circum 
stanced,  necessity  compelled  them  to  dispose  of  their 
certificates  for  the  current  price  in  the  market.  After 
the  present  Government  was  established,  provision 
was  made  for  these  certificates,  wherever  they  were 
found.  By  that  provision,  the  purchasers  received 
an  immense  advantage.  The  public,  however,  saved 
a  part  of  the  debt,  which  was  originally  due,  two  per 
cent,  for  ten  years  on  the  principal  of  the  whole 
debt,  and  half  the  interest  which  had  accumulated „ 
This  remnant  now  remains,  and  in  paying  it,  no  more 
than  the  original  debt  will  be  discharged. 

The  rival  pretenders  to  this  remnant,  will  be  the 
original  holders,  who  earned  the  whole  by  the  sweat 
of  their  brow,  and  the  present  holders,  who  have  al 
ready  received  seven  or  eight  hundred  per  cent,  on  the 
money  which  they  advanced. 

In  the  name  of  justice,  equity,  and  good  con 
science,  which  claim  is  to  be  preferred  ?  Every  man 
will  answer,  that  of  the  soldier,  unless  his  feelings  are 
steeled  against  the  principles  of  honour,  good  faith, 
and  gratitude. 

This  remnant,  therefore,  so  far  as  it  extends  to 
our  own  original  claims,  may  be  appropriated  with 
great  propriety,  to  relieve  the  sufferings  of  the  fore 
going  description  of  men.  In  addition  to  this,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  but  Congress  will  be  disposed  to 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  247 

make  a  liberal  grant  of  land  in  the  Western  Territory, 
for  the  same  purpose ;  for,  it  is  not  to  be  forgotten 
that  those  vast  possessions,  on  which  has  been  found 
ed  the  pleasing  expectation  of  sinking  the  whole  of 
the  public  debt,  are  the  fruits  of  those  toils  which  the 
Government  is  now  called  upon  to  compensate.  I 
have  only,  sir,  to  request  you  to  take  the  earliest  op 
portunity  to  make  this  communication  known  to  the 
officers  of  your  line,  and  I  sincerely  hope,  at  the 
opening  of  the  next  session  of  Congress,  they  will  ^ 
think  proper  to  make  this  application. 

I  am,  with  sentiments  of  respect,  in  behalf  of  the 
officers  of  the  Massachusetts  line  of  the  late  army, 
you  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  WILLIAM  HULL. 

Washington  writes  to  Thomas  Jefferson,  in  1788: 
"  I  feel  mortified  that  there  should  have  been  any 
just  ground  for  the  clamour  of  the  foreign  officers  who 
served  with  us ;  but  after  having  received  a  quarter 
of  their  whole  debt  in  specie,  and  their  interest  in  the 
same,  for  some  time,  they  have  infinitely  less  reason 
for  complaint  than  our  native  officers,  of  whom  the 
suffering  and  neglect  have  been  equalled  only  by 
their  patience  and  patriotism.  A  great  proportion  of 
the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  American  army,  have 
been  compelled,  by  indigence,  to  part  with  their  se 
curities  for  one  eighth  of  their  nominal  value  ;  yet 
their  conduct  is  very  different  from  what  you  repre 
sented  the  French  officers  to  have  been."* 

*  Lafayette  was  not  one — -he  came    compensation  ;  besides  often  supply- 
as  a  volunteer,  and  served  without    ing,  from  his  own  private  fortune, 


248  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Colonel  Hull  was  elected  the  agent  to  attend  the 
next  Congress,  in  the  year  1793. 

Agents  had  assembled  from  a  number  of  the 
States,  but  not  from  the  whole,  with  petitions  similar 
to  the  one  from  the  officers  of  the  Massachusetts  line. 

After  an  interesting  debate  in  the  House  of  Re 
presentatives,  it  was  resolved,  that  the  prayer  of  the 
petitioners  should  not  be  granted. 

In  the  discussion,  little  was  said  against  the  jus 
tice  of  the  claims  ;  the  arguments  were  rather  in  fa 
vour  of  them.  But  the  leading  members  of  the  ma 
jority  in  Congress  thought  it  necessary,  from  motives 
of  policy,  arid  to  preserve  their  consistency,  to  oppose 
the  claim. 

A  system  had  been  adopted  for  funding  the  pub 
lic  debt.  In  its  operation,  it  was  contended  that  it 
was  not  founded  in  equity.  It  was  opposed  by  great 
talents  and  profound  reasoning. 

The  system  was,  in  addition  to  the  present  du 
ties  on  imports  and  tonnage,  to  provide  by  duties  on 
wines,  distilled  spirits,  including  those  made  in  the 
United  States,  teas  and  coffee,  a  fund  to  cancel  the 
national  debt,  both  foreign  and  domestic.*  The  debt 
of  the  American  officers  and  soldiers  was  not  in 
cluded. 

The  preservation  of  the  new  Constitution,  at  this 
early  period  of  its  operations,  was  highly  important ; 
and  this  system,  by  which  to  discharge  its  obligations, 

necessaries   for  the   soldiers.     He  stow  it  on  suffering  America. — ED- 

never  asked  for  remuneration.     His  ITOR. 

fortune  was  ample,  and  it  was  lux-         *   Hamilton's  Report  on  Public 

ury,  to  his  generous  heart,  to  be-  Credit. — "Federalist,'"  Vol.  I.,  p.  43. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  £49 

was  viewed  as  essential  to  its  existence.  To  have 
admitted  other  claims,  not  provided  for  at  first,  would 
have  proved  a  dangerous  precedent,  and  been  consi 
dered  an  acknowledgment  of  the  defects  of  the  sys 
tem,  which  would  have  caused  its  destruction,  and 
with  it,  have  endangered,  if  it  had  not  produced  the 
dissolution  of  the  Government. 

The  rejection  of  the  petition  produced  much  ex 
citement,  and  not  a  little  indignation.  It  was  consi 
dered  as  discarding  claims  which  the  country  was 
bound  to  provide  for,  by  every  principle  of  justice, 
equity,  and  gratitude.  The  services  which  were  the 
foundation  of  these  claims,  were,  "  the  price  of  liber 
ty,  without  which  the  nation  itself  could  never  have 
attained  an  independent  existence." 

Even  the  illustrious  Washington,  then  President 
of  the  United  States,  did  not  escape  censure.  It  was 
thought  by  many,  that  he  had  not  on  that  occasion 
redeemed  the  solemn  pledges  he  had  given  at  the  dis 
banding  of  the  army.  A  number  of  anonymous  es 
says  were  published  in  the  Philadelphia  papers,  con 
taining  severe  strictures  on  his  conduct. 

Colonel  Hull  being  the  principal  agent  in  the  ap 
plication  to  Congress,  was  supposed  by  some  to  be 
the  author  of  these  essays.  But  he  writes  : 

"  I  have  mentioned  this  circumstance  for  no  other 
purpose  than  that  the  truth  may  be  known,  that  I  was 
not  the  author,  and  had  no  agency  or  knowledge 
whatever,  either  in  writing  or  publishing  them.  Dur 
ing  my  attendance  on  Congress,  I  had  frequent  con 
versations  with  the  President,  on  the  subject  of  my 


250  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

mission.  He  observed :  i  I  know  the  claims  of  the  army 
to  be  just,  and  I  regret  they  have  not  been  provided 
for.  When  the  petitions  were  presented,  it  was  con 
sidered  by  a  majority  as  an  unfavourable  time.  To 
grant  them,  would  interfere  with  the  arrangements 
which  had  been  made  to  cancel  the  public  debt.  It 
is,  however,  a  business  of  legislation,  and  does  not 
belong  to  my  department ;  but  I  hope  the  time  will 
come,  when  the  claims  of  the  army  will  be  discharged  ; 
and,  while  1  live,  they  shall  always  have  my  sup 
port.5  " 

The  subject  has  since  been  been  frequently 
brought  before  Congress,  but  no  definite  measures 
adopted.  An  act  of  charity  has  been  passed,  grant 
ing  an  annuity  to  a  certain  description  of  officers  and 
soldiers  attached  to  the  revolutionary  army.  It  ex 
tended  only  to  those  who  were  paupers  by  misfortune, 
idleness,  or  intemperance.  This  class  must  have 
been  supported  at  the  public  expense,  had  they  never 
have  rendered  any  service  to  their  country. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  251 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

INDIAN  WAR. — COLONEL  HULL  APPOINTED  A  COMMISSIONER  TO  UPPER  CANA 
DA,  TO  MAKE  ARRANGEMENTS  FOR  A  TREATY  WITH  THE  INDIANS. — INTERVIEW 

WITH  GOVERNOR  SIMCOE. 

IN  the  years  1792-3,  a  savage  war  desolated  the 
frontiers.  It  was  conducted  with  unusual  cruelty  and 
barbarity.  The  prisoners  taken  in  battle  were  tor 
tured  and  doomed  to  a  lingering  death.  More  than 
fifteen  hundred  persons,  men,  women,  and  children, 
while  emigrating  to  the  western  country,  fell  under 
the  tomahawk,  or  were  taken  prisoners  by  the  sava 
ges.  In  two  campaigns,  the  first  under  General 
Harmar,  the  second  under  General  St.  Clair,  misfor 
tunes  attended  the  American  arms. 

In  the  battle  of  the  Miami,  where  St.  Clair 
commanded,  thirty-eight  officers  were  killed,  and  be 
tween  five  and  six  hundred  non-commissioned  officers 
and  soldiers  were  killed  and  missing.  General  Butler, 
of  Pennsylvania,  whose  valour  we  witnessed  at  Stony 
Point,  was  among  the  slain. 

General  St.  Clair  retreated  with  the  remnant  of 
his  army  to  Fort  Jefferson.  He  was  labouring  under 
a  painful  disease,  and  could  not  mount  or  leave  his 
horse  without  assistance.  But  his  orders  during  the 
action  were  delivered  with  coolness,  intrepidity,  and 
judgment. 


252  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

In  the  commencement  of  the  engagement,  sixty 
of  the  militia  ran  away.  A  regiment  was  sent  in 
pursuit  of  them,  that  others  might  be  deterred  from 
following  their  example.  These  troops  were  all  ab 
sent  during  the  engagement,  which  greatly  reduced 
the  force  of  St.  Clair.  The  contest  was  severe,  and 
the  lives  of  the  officers  were  sacrificed  in  their  perse 
vering  efforts  to  preserve  order,  and  compel  the  militia 
to  the  performance  of  duty  ;  so  great  had  been  the 
panic  at  the  first  onset. 

"  General  St.  Clair  requested  that  a  Court  Mar 
tial  should  sit  on  his  conduct.  But  this  request  could 
not  be  granted,  because  there  were  not  in  the  Amer 
ican  service,  officers  of  a  grade  to  form  a  Court  for 
his  trial  on  military  principles.  A  Committee  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  was  appointed  to  inquire 
into  the  causes  of  the  failure  of  the  expedition,  whose 
report,  in  explicit  terms,  exculpated  the  Commander- 
in-chief.  More  satisfactory  testimony  in  favour  of  St. 
Clair,  is  furnished  by  the  circumstance,  that  he  still 
retained  the  undiminished  esteem  and  good  opinion 
of  General  Washington."  * 

o 

It  would  have  been  impossible  for  the  Indians  to 
have  kept  the  field  with  success,  without  the  aid  of 
the  British  Government ;  as  they  cannot  exist  in  a 
body  but  for  a  short  period,  unless  furnished  with  pro 
visions  and  the  munitions  of  war.  These  were,  it 
was  well  understood,  supplied  by  the  British.  They 
erected  forts  within  our  territories  to  favour  their 


Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  V.5  page  398. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  253 

plans,  and  still  retained  and  occupied  the  posts  on 
the  northwestern  frontier,  which  had  been  ceded  to 
the  United  States,  in  direct  opposition  to  our  treaty 
with  England.  All  this  was  considered  a  sufficient 
ground  for  a  declaration  of  war  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States ;  but  such  was  the  condition  of  the 
country,  that  Congress  was  desirous  of  doing  what 
could  be  done  by  negotiation,  without  having  recourse 
to  arms.  The  savages  were  contending  for  what 
they  deemed  their  rights,  and  in  the  spirit  of  com 
passion  for  that  unfortunate  race,  the  Government 
exercised  toward  them  a  pacific  temper ;  anxious  to 
put  an  end  to  the  contest  otherwise  than  by  the 
sword.  That  such  happy  results  might  be  realized, 
Mr.  Jay,  our  Minister  at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain, 
was  authorized  and  instructed,  if  possible,  to  nego 
tiate  and  settle  all  differences  existing  between  the 
two  Governments,  and  to  enter  into  a  treaty  by  which 
the  posts  held  by  the  British  within  the  territories  of 
the  United  States,  should  be  surrendered.  This  ob 
ject  was  effected.  In  the  mean  time,  preparations 
were  made,  in  case  the  war  with  the  savages  should 
be  continued  ;  which,  from  appearances,  seemed  most 
probable.  An  army  of  five  thousand  men  was  raised, 
and  the  command  given  to  General  Wayne ;  General 
St.  Clair  having  resigned. 

While  these  preparations  were  making,  a  renewed 
effort  was  made  to  terminate  the  war,  by  a  direct 
communication  to  the  Indians  of  the  pacific  views  of 
the  United  States. 

Colonel  Harden  and  Major  Trueman,  worthy  cit- 


254  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

izens  and  excellent  officers,  were  sent  as  envoys  into 
the  Indian  country,  with  propositions  of  peace.  They 
were  both  murdered  by  the  savages,  though  in  gene 
ral  they  respect  the  rights  of  public  messengers  as 
much  as  civilized  nations.  The  families  of  "  these 
valuable  citizens  who  had  thus  fallen  victims  in  their 
country's  service,  were,  on  the  recommendation  of  the 
President,  provided  for  by  the  National  Legislature. 

"  Intelligence  that  the  pacific  overtures  from  the 
United  States  had  been  rejected  by  the  Indians,  did 
not  arrive  till  September,  1793.  It  was  then  too 
late  to  prosecute  the  objects  of  the  expedition.  Gen 
eral  Wayne  advanced  no  farther  than  the  ground  on 
which  St.  Clairhad  been  defeated.  There  he  erect 
ed  a  Fort,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Recov 
ery."  * 

In  January,  1793,  Colonel  Hull  was  appointed, 
under  the  authority  of  the  Government,  a  Commis 
sioner,  to  make  arrangements  with  the  British  Gov 
ernment,  for  a  treaty  with  the  Indians  in  the  Western 
country,  with  whom  the  United  States  were  then  at 
war.  His  instructions  were,  to  explain  to  Governor 
Simcoe,  then  Governor  of  Upper  Canada,  the  man 
ner  in  which  the  savages  were  supplied  with  the  mu 
nitions  of  war,  provisions  and  clothing,  by  the  Agents 
of  Indian  Affairs,  and  the  commanding  officers  of  the 
British  garrisons  at  Detroit,  Michilimackinac,  and 
other  places  conveniently  situated  for  the  purpose. 
He  was  likewise  authorized  to  hold  treaties  with  the 

*  Ramsay's  History  of  the  United  States,  Vol.  III.,  page  58. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  255 

Indians,  and  inform  them  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States  would  appoint  Commissioners  the  next 
summer  to  meet  them  at  Sanduskj  or  any  other  con 
venient  place,  with  full  authority  to  settle  all  differ 
ences  and  to  bury  the  hatchet.  He  was  further  di 
rected  to  make  arrangements  with  Governor  Simcoe, 
that  there  should  be  no  impediment  in  the  passage 
of  the  Commissioners  over  Lakes  Ontario  and  Erie, 
with  the  supplies  for  the  treaty. 

These  preliminaries  were  necessary,  as  the  British 
armed  vessels  commanded  the  waters  and  the  posts 
on  the  borders  of  the  Lakes,  within  the  territories  of 
the  United  States,  which  had  not  been  surrendered. 

On  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Hull  at  the  seat  of  Gov 
ernment  in  Upper  Canada,  he  was  received  with 
marked  attention  and  politeness.  Every  thing  was 
done,  both  in  a  public  and  private  manner,  to  express 
the  respect  that  was  entertained  for  the  nation  he 
represented. 

After  communicating  the  object  of  his  mission, 
the  Governor  observed,  that  it  gave  him  great  plea 
sure  to  see  him,  and  particularly  to  act  with  him  in  the 
business  to  which  he  had  referred ;  and  that  he 
would  do  all  in  his  power,  for  the  accommodation  of 
the  American  Commissioners,  and  the  accomplish 
ment  of  the  treaty,  according  to  the  wishes  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  That  so  far  from 
any  impediment  in  their  passage  and  in  the  trans 
portation  of  the  necessary  supplies,  he  would  furnish 
them  with  British  vessels  and  boats,  if  desired.  He 
further  observed,  that  if  his  presence  at  the  treaty 


256  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

could  be  of  any  use,  he  would  cheerfully  attend  the 
Commissioners,  and  make  use  of  all  his  influence  in 
the  attainment  of  the  object.  Colonel  Hull  replied, 
that  he  was  gratified  with  the  favourable  disposition 
expressed  by  the  Governor,  and  thanked  him  for  his 
kind  offers  in  affording  the  aid  of  his  influence  in 
the  treaty.  That  as  to  his  attending  with  the  Com 
missioners,  he  had  no  authority  on  the  subject.  That 
the  Commissioners  on  their  tour  would  probably  call 
and  pay  their  respects  to  him,  when  they  would  make 
such  arrangements  as  their  instructions  should  ern- 

o 

brace.  Colonel  Hull  then  remarked,  that  truth  and 
plain  dealing  were  the  safest  as  well  as  the  wisest 
basis  on  which  to  rest  a  cause,  and  that,  authorized 
by  his  Government,  he  should  express  the  views  held 
by  it,  in  relation  to  the  objects  of  his  mission.  That 
the  Governor  had  promised  more  than  was  asked  or 
even  desired. 

He  then  observed,  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  was 
obliged  to  make  a  request  of  the  British  Govern 
ment  in  regard  to  a  movement  on  his  part,  where 
our  rights  were  unequivocally  established.  By  the 
treaty  of  peace,  the  line  ran  through  the  centre  of 
the  Lakes,  which  gave  our  country  an  equal  claim  to 
the  navigation  of  them.  We  had  been  for  ten  years 
deprived  of  this  privilege.  At  the  present  moment, 
to  possess  it  was  essential  to  our  success  in  carrying 
out  the  wishes  of  the  Government,  in  meeting  the 
proposition  of  the  Indians,  to  hold  a  treaty  at  San- 
dusky.  Lake  Erie  was  the  only  channel  of  commu- 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  257 

nication  by  water  to  that  place,  by  which  the  neces 
sary  supplies  could  be  forwarded.  Colonel  Hull  was 
therefore  instructed  by  his  Government,  to  obtain  a 
definite  answer  to  the  question,  whether  there  would 
be  any  impediment  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  American 
Commissioners,  treating  with  the  Indians,  while  in 
the  execution  of  their  duty.  He  was  now  h#ppy  to 
reflect,  that  a  satisfactory  reply  had  already  bejen 
given  by  the  Governor,  and  on  which  he  should  rely 
without  further  remark.  With  regard  to  the  posts,  it 
was  not  necessary  to  enter  into  any  discussion,  as  a 
negotiation  was  then  pending  at  the  British  Court, 
and  it  was  hoped  it  would  terminate  in  giving  to  our 
country  peaceable  possession  of  them.  Colonel  Hull 
continued  to  observe,  that  in  justice  to  his  Go.vern- 
ment,  no  motives  of  delicacy  should  operate  in  a  full 
disclosure  of  facts,  too  well  established  to  be  withheld 
in  his  present  communication.  That  it  was  generally 
understood,  to  enable  the  savages  to  carry  on  the 
war,  they  had  been  supplied,  by  Indian  agents  and 
commanding  officers  of  the  garrisons  in  the  province 
where  Governor  Simcoe  commanded,  with  small- 
arms,  swords,  hatchets,  scalping-knives,  powder,  ball, 
clothing,  provisions,  and  all  other  necessaries.  Fur 
ther,  it  was  observed,  that  not  only  the  old  forts-, 
guaranteed  to  us  by  the  treaty  of  peace  in  1783,  had 
been  held,  but  a  new  one  had  been  erected  on  the 
Miami,  far  within  our  territory,  and  in  a  favourable 
situation  to  supply  the  Indians  and  aid  them  in  their 
military  operations.  That  it  was  known,  that  these 

17 


258  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

Indian  agents  and  British  officers  were  under  his 
superintendence,  and  acted  bj  his  orders. 

In  reply  to  these  plain  statements  of  facts,  Gover 
nor  Simcoe  remarked,  that  the  British  Government 
made  annual  presents  to  the  Indians,  in  considera 
tion  of  lands  which  they  had  ceded.  That  it  furnished 
them  with  such  articles  as  were  most  useful  and  ne 
cessary.  As  their  principal  support  is  derived  from 
hunting,  guns,  powder  and  lead  were  most  important. 
That  the  articles  named,  had  only  been  furnished  in 
the  usual  quantity,  and  for  the  purposes  which  he  had 
stated. 

It  was  answered,  that  whatever  the  intention 
was,  when  the  articles  were  delivered,  the  manner  in 
which  they  were  used  was  well  known.  That  it 
was  a  settled  axiom  of  the  laws  of  nations,  that 
for  a  neutral  to  supply  a  belligerent  with  warlike 
stores,  was  a  violation  of  neutrality.  The  British 
Government  well  knew  that  it  was  impossible  for  the 
Indians  to  carry  on  the  war  without  its  assistance ; 
and  the  United  States  was  well  informed  that  this 
assistance  was  rendered,  and  was  now  the  only  im 
pediment  to  peace. 

Governor  Simcoe  then  said,  that  Lord  Dorches 
ter  was  the  Governor-general  of  all  the  British 
provinces  in  North  America,  and  Commander-in-chief 
of  the  King's  forces,  and  was  likewise  Superintend 
ent-general  of  Indian  affairs.  That  whatever  had 
been  done  in  the  military  or  Indian  departments,  had 
•been  done  by  his  orders.  That  he  himself,  in  his  own 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  259 

province,  was  independent  of  those  departments,  and 
they  acted  by  his  authority.  He  concluded  by  remarking 
that  he  presumed  the  authority  of  Lord  Dorchester 
had  been  exercised  in  a  correct  manner,  and  there 
could  be  no  well-founded  ground  of  complaint  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States, 

The  negotiation  here  terminated.  The  pledge 
received  from  the  Governor,  that  it  would  afford  him 
pleasure  to  extend  accommodation  to  the  United 
States  to  aid  them  in  the  prosecution  of  the  treaty 
with  the  Indians,  was  deemed  sufficient. 

The  events  of  the  year  were  highly  favourable  to 
the  condition  of  American  affairs.  The  happy  ter 
mination  of  the  treaty  with  the  British  Government, 
so  ably  negotiated  by  Mr.  Jay,  by  which  the  posts 
were  surrendered,  together  with  the  complete  victory 
over  the  Indians  by  General  Wayne,  gave  permanent 
peace  to  our  borders. 

Governor  Simcoe  was  a  man  of  talent  and  en 
terprise.  He  had  served  as  a  partisan  officer,  during 
our  Revolutionary  war,  and  was  highly  distinguished. 
He  had  various  plans  for  internal  improvement ;  and 
looked  to  the  extension  of  his  province  in  their  ope 
ration.  He  laid  out  a  city  in  Upper  Canada,  to 
which  he  gave  the  name  of  London  ;  intending  to 
make  it  the  seat  of  Government.  He  formed  the  pro 
ject  of  a  canal  from  Lake  Ontario  through  a  lake,  to 
which  he  gave  his  own  name,  to  unite  with  Huron. 
From  all  the  information  obtained,  it  appeared  that 
his  intentions  were,  to  extend  the  boundaries  of  his 
province  from  Lake  Erie  to  the  upper  branches  of 


260  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

the  AJleghany  river,  and  down  that  river  and  the 
Ohio,  to  the  Mississippi,  which  was  to  form  his 
western  boundary. 

One  means  of  effecting  this  great  object  was,  by 
retaining  the  posts  and  providing  the  means  of  con 
tinuing  the  war  between  the  savages  and  the  United 
States.  This  vast  territory,  being  principally  unset 
tled,  he  entertained  the  wild  opinion,  that  the  United 
States  would  be  willing  to  abandon  it,  and  give  it  in 
exchange  for  peace  with  the  savages.  The  surrender 
of  the  posts,  and  peace  with  the  Indians,  destroyed 
these  visionary  schemes.  He  resigned  his  govern 
ment  and  returned  to  England.* 

*  See   Appendix,    No.  V. — Ex-    with  the  British,  under  Governor 
tracts  from  a  Journal  of  Colonel    Simcoe,  and  also  with  the  Indians- 
Hull,  while  a  Commissioner  to  treat 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  261 


CHAPTER   XXlV. 

COLONEL  HULL  VISITS  EUROPE. — ADDRESS  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNI 
TED  STATES,  JOHN  ADAMS,  AND  HIS  ANSWER,  IN  RELATION  TO  THE  MI 
LITIA  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  MIDDLESEX. 

1798. 

THE  winter  was  passed  by  Colonel  Hull  in  Lon 
don,  and  the  spring  spent  in  France.  In  the  latter 
country  he  witnessed  the  Legislative  Assembly,  and 
the  Revolutionary  Tribunals  of  that  ill-fated  country ; 
visited  its  armies,  and  returned  to  America  with  a 
just  pride  in  the  superiority  of  his  own  country,  in 
virtue,  patriotism,  and  moderation. 

Soon  after  his  return,  he  was  appointed  by  the 
Governor  and  Council,  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Com 
mon  Pleas,  and  elected  by  the  third  division,  in  the 
place  of  General  Brooks,  to  whom  he  had  been  se 
cond  in  command  many  years,  both  in  the  Revolution 
ary  army  and  in  the  militia.*  He  was  likewise 
elected  Senator  in  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts. 
He  was  annually  elected  Senator,  and  continued  in 
other  public  situations,  until  he  voluntarily  resigned 

*  Biographical  Notice  of  General  ence  in  the  promotion  of  the  Federal 

Hull,  by  his  son-in-law,  Doctor  Sam-  Constitution,       In    1789    he    was 

uel  Clarke.     In  1787  he  was  ap-  chosen  to  succeed  his   fellow   sol. 

pointed  to  the  command  of  first  bri-  dier,  General  Lincoln,   commander 

gade  of  this  division.     At  that  time  of  the  "  Ancient  and  Honourable 

he  was  active  in  exerting  his  influ-  Artillery." 


262  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

them,  on  being  appointed  Governor  of  the  Michigan 
Territory. 

During  this  period,  a  strong  party-spirit  prevailed, 
and  it  was  well  understood  that  his  political  sentiments 
were  not  in  accordance  with  the  Government  of  the 
State. 

In  speaking  of  the  third  division,  he  writes :  "  I 
cannot,  without  doing  injustice  to  my  feelings,  and  to 
the  officers  and  soldiers  whom  I  for  so  many  years 
had  the  honour  to  command,  omit  to  express  the 
strong  attachment  which  to  this  moment  I  feel  to 
wards  them,  for  their  unceasing  and  laudable  exer 
tions  to  co-operate  with  me  in  every  measure  for 
their  improvement  in  military  discipline. 

"  The  public  records  of  our  State,  and  the  re 
membrance  of  many,  now  on  the  stage,  will  bear  tes 
timony  to  the  elevated  rank  of  this  portion  of  our  mi 
litia,  its  high  state  of  discipline,  and  the  applause  it 
received. 

"The  division  consisted  of  about  six  thousand 
men,  with  the  requisite  proportion  of  infantry,  caval 
ry,  and  artillery.  Although  the  men  were  not  fur 
nished  with  uniforms  by  the  Government,  and  there 
was  no  compulsion  by  law  for  their  being  thus  equip 
ped,  yet  every  non-commissioned  officer  and  soldier 
of  the  division  appeared,  at  their  own  expense,  in 
complete  cloth  uniform,  and  every  way  equipped  for 
active  service. 

"  The  annual  reviews  were  visited  by  the  public 
officers  of  the  State,  and  vast  numbers  of  citizens, 
not  only  from  every  part  of  the  Commonwealth,  but 
from  the  neighbouring  States. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  263 

"  The  high  commendation  which  both  officers  and 
soldiers  received  from  the  Commander-in-chief,  and 
from  all  ranks  and  classes  of  their  fellow-citizens, 
gratified  their  ambition  and  rewarded  their  exertions. 

"  In  this  division,  amidst  the  rage  of  parties, 
there  was  but  one  political  sentiment :  the  defence  of 
the  country  against  any  of  its  enemies,  and  the  sup 
port  of  the  Constitution  under  any  administration 
chosen  by  the  people.  I  considered  it  of  the  highest 
importance  to  inspire  the  officers  and  soldiers  with 
these  sentiments  ;  and  that  military  discipline  without 
them,  would  be  worse  than  useless.  As  an  evidence 
of  this  fact,  I  will  close  these  remarks  by  the  follow 
ing  unanimous  address  of  one  brigade  of  the  division, 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  then  being  at 
his  residence  at  Quincy,  and  that  part  of  his  answer 
which  relates  to  the  division.  It  must  be  observed 
that  this  took  place  when  the  political  opinions  of  a 
large  majority  of  the  country  to  which  the  division 
belonged,  were  in  direct  opposition  to  those  of  Pres 
ident  Adams." 

To  John  Adams,  President  of  the  United  Slates  of  America  : — 

SIR — In  reviewing  the  history  of  our  country, 
and  comparing  it  with  the  convulsed  state  of  Europe, 
we  find  the  strongest  reasons  to  rejoice  in  the  local 
destination  assigned  us  by  Providence.  We  feel  a 
pride  in  the  name  and  character  of  Americans.  It  is 
our  glory  to  be  the  descendants  of  ancestors  who 
purchased  freedom  and  independence  by  their  wisdom 
and  valour  ;  and  some  of  whom,  on  this  spot,*  ex- 

*  Lexington,  Massachusetts. 


264  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

hibited  to  the  world  an  example  of  the  unconquerable 
spirit  of  freemen.  May  we  be  inspired  with  firmness 
to  imitate  their  virtues,  and  maintain  the  inheritance 
purchased  by  their  valour.  It  is  impossible  sufficient 
ly  to  estimate  the  Government  under  which  we  live. 
It  has  been  established  by  our  consent,  and  adminis 
tered  by  our  choice.  We  ought  to  make  it  the  pole- 
star  of  our  conduct,  and  it  w7ill  prove  the  ark  of  our 
safety.  It  claims  our  reverence,  and  demands  our 
support.  With  the  keenest  sensibility  we  feel  the 
insults  it  has  experienced,  and  as  American  soldiers, 
in  the  presence  of  our  standard,  we  here  solemnly 
declare,  that  we  will  ever  be  ready  to  be  the  guar 
dians  of  its  rights  and  the  avengers  of  its  wrongs. 

And  having  sworn,  when  we  accepted  our  com 
mission,  to  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  we  now,  on  this  memorable  ground,  renew 
to  you,  sir,  and  our  country,  the  sacred  oath. 

We  offer  to  you,  agreeably  to  act  of  Congress, 
our  individual  services,  and  pledge  our  lives  and  all 
that  is  dear  to  us,  for  the  support  of  the  Government 
and  the  defence  of  the  Country. 

That  you  may  long  live  an  ornament  to  the  land 
which  gave  you  birth,  and  a  blessing  to  the  world,  is 
our  sincere  wish. 

We  are,  in  behalf  of  the  officers  of  the  first  brigade 
and  third  division  of  the  militia  of  Massachusetts, 
Your  most  obedient  servants, 

WILLIAM  HULL,  Major-General. 
J.  WALKER,  Brigadier- General. 

Lexington,  Massachusetts,  October  2,  1798. 


LIFE  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL.  265 

To  the  Officers  of  the  First  Brigade  of  the  Third  Division  of  the  Mi 
litia  of  Massachusetts : — 

GENTLEMEN — 1  have  received  from  Major  Gene 
ral  Hull  and  Brigadier-General  Walker,  your  unani 
mous  address  from  Lexington,  animated  with  a  martial 
spirit,  and  expressed  with  a  military  dignity,  becom 
ing  your  character  and  the  memorable  plains  on  which 
it  was  adopted. 

An  address  so  animated,  and  from  the  officers 
commanding  two  thousand  eight  hundred  men,  com 
posed  of  such  substantial  citizens  as  are  able  and 
willing,  at  their  own  expense,  completely  to  arm  and 
clothe  themselves  in  handsome  uniform,  does  honour 
to  that  division  of  the  militia,  which  has  done  so 
much  honour  to  their  country. 

While  our  country  remains  untainted  with  the 
principles  and  manners  which  are  now  producing 
desolation  in  so  many  parts  of  the  world ;  while  she 
continues  sincere,  and  incapable  of  insidious  and  im 
pious  policy,  we  shall  have  the  strongest  reason  to 
rejoice  in  the  local  destination  assigned  us  by  Provi 
dence.  But  should  the  people  of  America  once  be 
come  capable  of  that  deep  simulation  towards  one 
another,  and  towards  foreign  nations,  which  assumes 
the  language  of  justice  and  moderation,  while  it  is 
practising  iniquity  and  extravagance,  and  displays  in 
the  most  captivating  manner  the  charming  pictures 
of  candour,  frankness,  and  sincerity,  while  it  is  riot 
ing  in  rapine  and  insolence,  this  country  will  be  the 
most  miserable  habitation  in  the  world.  Because 
we  have  no  government,  armed  with  power,  capable 


266  REVOLUTIONARY  SERVICES  AND  CIVIL 

of  contending  with  human   passions,  unbridled   by 
morality  and  religion. 

Avarice,  ambition,  revenge  and  licentiousness  would 
break  the  strongest  cords  of  our  Constitution,  as  a 
whale  goes  through  a  net.  Our  Constitution  was 
made  only  for  a  moral  and  religious  people.  It  is 
wholly  inadequate  to  the  government  of  any  other. 

Oaths  in  this  country  are  as  yet  universally  con 
sidered  as  sacred  obligations.  That  which  you  have 
taken,  and  so  solemnly  repeated  on  that  venerable 
ground,  is  an  ample  pledge  of  your  sincerity  and  de 
votion  to  your  country  and  its  government. 

(Signed)  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Quincy,  llth  October,  1798. 

In  1805,  General  Hull  was  appointed  by  Con 
gress,  Governor  of  the  Michigan  Territory.  The 
term  of  service  was  for  three  years.  He  was  re-ap 
pointed  two  successive  terms  by  his  Government  to 
this  office,  the  duties  of  which  he  performed. 


APPENDIX. 


I. 

Colonel  Hull's  conversation  with  Governor  Simcoe,  respect 
ing  Washington's  escape  from  Cornwallis,  at  Trenton, 
New  Jersey. 

In  the  year  1793,  I  was  employed  by  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States,  to  hold  treaties  with 
the  Indians,  and  at  that  time  became  acquainted  with 
Genera]  Simcoe,  who  was  Governor  of  the  Province 
of  Upper  Canada.  At  his  table,  in  the  presence  of 
a  number  of  British  officers,  the  subject  of  the  Revo 
lutionary  War  was  introduced.  General  Simcoe  was 
a  Lieutenant-Colonel  at  the  time  referred  to.  He 
commanded  a  partisan  corps,  and  was  with  Lord 
Cornwallis  at  Trenton.  I  stated  the  situation  of  the 
American  army  at  that  time ;  described  the  position 
we  had  taken,  and  our  full  expectation  of  being  im 
mediately  attacked ;  that  in  such  case,  we  had  no 
alternative  but  to  risk  a  general  battle  or  retreat  down 
the  river  to  Burlington.  If  the  latter  had  been  adopt 
ed,  the  enemy  being  in  the  best  possible  situation  for 
pursuit,  it  is  probable  that  we  should  have  been  over 
taken  and  forced  into  an  engagement.  On  the  other 


268  APPENDIX. 

hand,  if  we  had  been  compelled  to  meet  the  enemy 
in  a  general  battle  in  the  first  instance,  the  superior 
ity  of  their  numbers  would  have  given  them  such 
advantages  as  almost  to  have  insured  a  victory,  which 
would  have  nearly  annihilated  our  army. 

The  conversation  seemed  very  interesting  to  the 
young  British  officers,  who  were  present,  and  had  not 
been  actors  in  the  scenes  described,  and  in  which 
both  General  Simcoe  and  myself  were  personally  en 
gaged.  The  feelings  of  the  Governor  were  aroused 
by  past  recollections,  and  with  much  animation,  ris 
ing  from  his  chair,  replied,  that  as  soon  as  the  Amer 
ican  army  retreated  and  took  position  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Assanpink,  and  the  British  army  came 
into  possession  of  the  principal  part  of  the  town,  and 
the  grounds  on  the  north  side  of  the  creek,  he  in 
quired  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  whether  it  was  not  his 
intention  immediately  to  make  a  general  attack. 

His  Lordship  answered,  that  he  should  not ; 
that  his  troops  were  fatigued  by  a  long  march ;  that 
he  wished  to  give  them  all  the  comforts  he  could 
that  night,  and  should  defer  until  morning  any  fur 
ther  operations. 

Governor  Simcoe  remarked,  that  there  was  then 
more  than  an  hour  of  daylight ;  that  by  crossing  the 
creek  high  up  on  General  Washington's  right,  he 
might  force  him  to  a  general  action,  and  the  event 
would  probably  put  a  close  to  the  war. 

In  answer  to  this,  it  was  urged,  that  the  Amer 
ican  army  could  not  pass  the  Delaware,  and  he  should 
be  sure  of  it  in  the  morning. 

Simcoe  closed  by  remarking  to  Lord  Cornwallis, 


APPENDIX.  269 

that  in  some  way  Washington  would  escape  from 
him  ;  and  that  his  only  chance  of  a  victory,  was  to 
make  the  attack  that  evening. 

"Thus,"  observed  the  Governor,  "  was  lost  an  op 
portunity  of  putting  an  end  to  the  war,  in  which  case 
both  countries  would  now  have  been  happy,  in  form 
ing  one  great  and  powerful  nation." 

Governor  Simcoe  was  an  officer  of  high  distinc 
tion  in  the  British  army.  He  was  Governor  of  Up 
per  Canada,  and  was  afterwards  appointed  Governor- 
general  in  the  East  Indies.  He  died,  when  on  the 
point  of  embarking  for  that  important  command. 


ii. 

Letter  from  the  Honourable  Horace  Binney,  of  Philadel 
phia,  to  a  daughter  of  General  William  Hull. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January,  1835. 

MY  DEAR  MADAM, — I  need  not  dissemble  the 
pleasure  it  would  give  me,  if  it  were  in  my  power  to 
supply  you  with  any  facts,  that  would  assist  your  fa 
ther's  family  in  their  contribution  to  the  biographical 
work,  of  which  you  do  me  the  favour  to  write.  My 
boyish  and  youthful  recollections  of  him  are  so  agree 
able,  and  my  impressions  at  a  later  day  so  strong,  of 
the  injustice  done  to  him,  in  a  principal  event  of  his 
life,  that  it  will  give  me  a  very  high  degree  of  satis 
faction,  to  see  his  actions  and  character  described  as 
I  have  always  thought  they  deserved  to  be. 


270  APPENDIX. 

Personally,  however,  you  will  be  aware,  that  I 
know  little  that  can  enter  into  such  a  work,  when  I 
bring  to  your  recollection,  that  I  removed  from  his 
vicinity  upon  leaving  College,  at  the  time  when  the 
great  political  parties  of  our  country  first  took  a  deci 
ded  shape,  and  that  for  several  years,  with  occasional 
exceptions  of  a  short  visit  to  Watertown,  I  saw  little 
of  him,  and  thought  much  less  of  political  movements 
and  changes  then  in  progress,  than  of  acquiring  the 
profession  by  which  1  was  to  live.  It  is  possible, 
that  on  my  return  to  Philadelphia,  I  may  have  my 
recollection  refreshed  by  a  recurrence  to  letters  and 
other  papers  which  I  have  there,  and  I  will  imme 
diately  communicate  any  thing  which  they  may  fur 
nish. 

There  is  one  anecdote  of  his  military  life  in  the 
Revolution,  which  the  late  Dr.  Rush  told  me  at  the 
time  when  the  intelligence  of  the  surrender  of  De 
troit  first  reached  our  city,  that  I  will  give  you,  as 
soon  as  by  reference  to  my  papers  it  can  be  given 
with  accuracy.  It  recorded  an  effort  on  his  part, 
made  under  circumstances  in  which  a  generous  mind 
alone  would  have  thought  of  making  it,  to  stem  the 
current  of  prejudice,  then  setting  against  a  gallant 
though  unfortunate  officer,  the  late  General  St.  Clair, 
after  the  defeat  of  Ticonderoga. 

You  may  perceive  that  Dr.  Rush  repeated  it  in 
sympathy  with  the  then  similar  situation  of  your 
father. 

I  beg  to  be  assured  of  the  respect  and  friendship 
of,  dear  madam,  yours  truly, 

HORACE  BINNEY. 

MRS.  CAMPBELL. 


APPENDIX.  271 

Honourable  Horace  Binney  to  a  daughter  of  General  Hull. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  10th,  1835. 

MY  DEAR  MADAM, — It  is  with  unfeigned  regret 
that  I  do  not  find  among  my  papers  a  memorandum 
of  the  anecdote  communicated  to  me  by  Dr.  Rush  in 
regard  to  your  father,  General  Hull ;  and  without  such 
a  guide,  I  cannot  so  repeat  it  as  to  make  it  fit  for 
introduction  into  an  authentic  account  of  his  life. 
The  substance  was  this : 

Your  father,  I  understood,  was  with  General  St. 
Clair  at  Ticonderoga.  The  evacuation  of  that  post 
by  General  St.  Clair,  upon  the  approach  of  General 
Burgoyne,  was  the  occasion  of  almost  universal  sur 
prise  to  the  country,  and  of  bitter  reproaches  against 
General  St.  Clair.  The  feeling  extended  even  to 
General  Washington,  as  his  letters  now  disclose, 
though  his  great  prudence  prevented  him  from  impart 
ing  it  to  any,  but  persons  worthy  of  confidence.  The 
excitement,  I  learned  from  Dr.  Rush,  was  greater  than 
in  the  affair  of  Detroit. 

It  was  as  the  army  under  St.  Clair's  command 
was  retiring,  that  General  Hull  was  seen,  during  a 
halt,  writing  a  note  or  letter  on  the  stump  of  a  tree ; 
and  being  asked  by  a  friend  upon  what  he  was  em 
ployed,  he  replied  :  "  I  am  writing  a  paragraph  for  a 
newspaper,  to  arrest  the  progress  of  unfounded  cen 
sure  already  begun,  against  a  brave  officer  who  has 
done  his  duty,  and  to  whom  the  resources  placed  at  his 
disposition  by  the  country,  and  the  character  of  the 
works  he  had  to  defend,  left  no  alternative  but  to 
retire.  I  cannot  be  happy  until  I  have  contributed 


272  APPENDIX. 

my  mite,  to  defend  and  save  the  honour  of  a  brave 
and  accomplished  officer,  who  has  been  unable  to  do 
what  his  country  wished,  and  thought  without  reason 
that  he  had  the  means  of  effecting." 

This  was  the  substance  of  Dr.  Rush's  communica 
tion.  It  may  be  interesting  to  you  to  hear  of  it,  as 
it  was  to  me,  particularly  from  the  coincidence  be 
tween  your  father's  situation  and  that  of  General  St. 
Clair,  and  the  beauty  of  such  an  incident  in  the  life 
of  one  who  was  doomed  to  experience  the  injustice 
which  he  laboured  to  avert  from  his  commander. 
I  am,  dear  madam,  your  faithful  friend, 

HORACE  BINNEY. 
MRS.  CAMPBELL. 


Letter  from  the  Honourable  Horace  Binney  to  a  daughter 
of  General  William  Hull 

PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  27th,  1844. 

MY  DEAR  MRS.  CAMPBELL, — I  have  received 
your  letter  of  the  23d  February,  and  the  newspaper 
containing  Mr.  Clarke's  animadversions  upon  Mr. 
Rush's  letter  in  favour  of  General  Cass.  Consider 
ing  what  the  main  topic  of  that  letter  is,  it  is  quite  a 
coincidence,  to  recall  to  me  the  anecdote  I  had  from 
his  father.  I  recollect  it  more  vividly  than  if  it  had 
been  told  me  a  year  ago. 

I  give  you  free  permission  to  use  the  extracts 
from  my  two  letters  of  January  and  April,  1835.  It 
appears  to  be  extracted  from  one  only,  and  not  hav 
ing  kept  copies,  I  am  unable  to  inform  myself. 

With   Mrs.  Binney's  regards,    and  my   compli- 


APPENDIX.  273 

ments  to  Mr.  Campbell,  I   remain,  my  dear   Mrs. 
Campbell,  very  respectfully  and  sincerely,  yours, 

HOR.  BINNEY. 

MRS.  MARIA  CAMPBELL. 

From  the  Connecticut  Courant  (Hartford),  July  28,  1777. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from    an  officer  of  distinction  in  the 
Northern  Army,  dated  July  17,  1777,  at  Moses'  Creek 
(about  four  miles  from  Fort  Edward,  on  the  Hudson, 
fifty  miles  north  of  Albany). 

"  The  retreat  from  Ticonderoga  will  be  a  matter 
of  speculation  in  the  country,  and  the  accounts  differ 
ent  and  confused.  A  true  state  of  facts  will,  there 
fore,  be  very  satisfactory,  without  doubt. 

"  We  were  deceived  with  respect  to  the  strength 
of  the  enemy  and  our  own  reinforcements  :  the  ene 
my  have  practised  a  piece  of  finesse  which  has  too 
well  answered  their  purpose  ;  they  have  so  conducted, 
that  all  hands  in  the  United  States  believed  they  had 
drawn  their  forces  from  Canada  to  the  southward, 
and  designed  only  to  garrison  their  posts  in  the  north 
ern  world.  The  consequence  of  this  belief  has  been, 
the  ordering  of  eight  regiments,  destined  for  Ticon 
deroga  and  its  environs,  to  Peekskill ;  and  little  at 
tention  has  been  paid  to  this  department.  The  ene 
my's  condition  in  Canada  has  been  represented  as 
miserable,  confused,  scattered,  and  sickly.  This  has 
been  the  general  opinion  in  camp  and  country,  and 
our  situation  has  been  thought  perfectly  safe.  Our 
force  consisted  of  about  4000,  including  the  corps  of 
artillery  and  artificers,  who  were  not  armed ;  a  con 
siderable  part  of  which  were  militia.  We  could  bring 
about  3000  fit  for  duty  into  the  field. 

18 


274  APPENDIX. 

"  General  Burgoyne  carne  against  us  with  about 
8000  healthy,  spirited  troops  ;  with  a  lake  force,  con 
sisting  of  three  fifty-gun  ships;  a  thunderer,  mount 
ing  eighteen  brass  twenty-four  pounders,  two  thirteen- 
inch  mortars,  a  number  of  howitzers,  several  sloops, 
gun-boats,  &c.     Their  strength  being  so  very  supe 
rior  to  ours,  obliged  us  to  tamely  sit  still,  and  see  them 
erect  batteries  all  around   us,  without   hazarding   a 
sally.     Twro  batteries  wrere  erected  in  front  of  our 
lines,  on  higher  ground  than  ours.     Within   half  a 
mile  on  our  left,  they  had  taken  post,  on  a  very  high 
hill,  overlooking  all  our  works.    Our  right  would  have 
been  commanded  by  their  shipping  and  batteries  they 
had   erected  on  the  other  side  of  the  lake,  so  that 
our  lines  at  Ticonderoga  would  have  been  of  no  ser 
vice,  and  we  must  have  inevitably  abandoned  them 
in  a  few  days,  after    their  batteries  opened,  which 
would  have  been  the  next  morning.    We  then  should 
have  been    necessitated  to  retire  to   Fort  Indepen 
dence,  the  consequence  of  which,  I  conceive,  would 
have  been  much  wTorse  than  the  mode  adopted ;  for, 
the  moment  we  had  left  Ticonderoga,  they  could  sail 
their  shipping  by  us,  and  prevent  our  communication 
with  Skeensborough  ;  then  the  only  avenue  to  and 
from  Fort  Independence  would  have  been  by  a  nar 
row  neck  of  land,   leading  from  the  Mount  to  the 
Grants.     To  this  neck,  they  had  almost  cut  a  road  ; 
a  day  more  would  have  completed  it.     A  few  troops 
stationed  at  Ticonderoga  would  have   prevented  our 
communication  with  Lake  George,  as  our  own  works 
would  have  been  against  us.     Their  shipping  would 
have  destroyed  our  connexion  with  Skeensborough, 


APPENDIX.  275 

and  their  main  body  might  have  been  placed  on  this 
neck  of  land,  which,  by  a  few  works  might  have  pre 
vented  all  supplies  and  reinforcements.  We  might 
have  staid  at  the  Mount  as  long  as  our  provisions 
would  have  supported  us.  We  had  flour  for  thirty 
days,  and  meat  sufficient  only  for  a  week.  Under 
these  circumstances,  General  St.  Clair  on  the  6th  in 
stant  called  a  council  of  war,  and  an  evacuation  was 
unanimously  agreed  upon,  as  the  only  means  of  sav 
ing  the  army  from  captivity.  It  was  necessary,,  also, 
that  our  retreat  should  be  precipitate,  as  the  commu 
nication  was  almost  cut  off,  and  they  would  soon  be 
apprised  of  our  design.  It  was  therefore  determined 
to  send  the  baggage  and  sick  in  boats  to  Skeensbo- 
rough,  and  for  the  army  to  march  by  land  from  the 
Mount  to  Skeensborough,  being  forty  miles.  At  the 
dawn  of  day  we  left  Fort  Independence,  and  I  can 
not  say  the  march  was  conducted  with  the  greatest 
regularity. 

"  The  front,  which  was  the  main  body,  marched 
thirty  miles  to  a  place  called  Castle-town,  about 
twelve  miles  from  Skeensborough  ;  the  militia  halted 
three  miles  in  rear  of  the  front ;  and  the  rear-guard, 
commanded  by  Colonel  Francis,  being  joined  by  Col 
onels  Warner  and  Hale,  halted  at  Hubbart-town, 
about  a  mile  and  a  half  in  rear  of  the  militia.  As 
the  march  was  severe,  the  feeble  of  the  army  had 
fallen  in  the  rear,  and  tarried  at  Hubbart-town  with 
the  rear-guard.  This  body  in  the  rear  might  consist  of 
near  a  thousand  men.  Before  I  proceed  farther,  it 
may  be  necessary  to  give  you  the  enemy's  disposi 
tions,  after  they  were  advised  of  our  retreat.  A  large 


276  APPENDIX. 

body,  at  least  two  thousand,  were  detached,  to  pur 
sue  our  main  body  and  harass  our  rear.  All  the  gun 
boats  and  some  of  the  shipping,  were  sent  after  our 
baggage,  and  came  up  with  it  at  Skeensborough  and 
took  it.  The  ninth  regiment,  commanded  by  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Hills,  was  ordered  to  run  down  South 
Bay,  and  land  and  march  a  by-road  to  Fort  Ann,  and 
take  that  before  our  troops  could  reach  it.  The  re 
mainder  of  the  army  went  on  to  Skeensborough, 
except  a  garrison  at  Ticonderoga.  The  body  of  the 
enemy  sent  to  harass  our  rear,  came  up  with  it  the 
next  morning  at  Hubbart-town,  which  was  com 
manded  by  Colonel  Warner.  By  the  exertions  of  the 
officers,  our  little  army  formed  and  gave  them  battle? 
which  continued  about  twenty-five  minutes,  very  se 
vere,  when  our  party  were  overpowered  with  num 
bers,  and  gave  way.  The  loss  on  both  sides  was 
considerable  ;  as  our  people  took  the  woods  and  are 
daily  coming  in,  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain  our  loss. 
Colonel  Francis,  a  worthy  and  brave  officer,  after 
signalizing  himself,  was  shot  through  and  expired 
instantly.  Colonel  Hale  is  missing.  It  is  natural  to 
ask,  Why  was  not  Colonel  Warner  reinforced  ?  Let 
me  tell  you.  Orders  were  sent  to  Colonel  *  *  *  *  *  * 
who  commanded  the  militia,  to  go  to  the  assistance 
of  the  rear-guard,  but  before  they  arrived  the  action 
was  over  and  our  people  dispersed.  Our  main  body 
being  now  twelve  miles  from  Skeensborough,  and 
hearing  that  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  had  arrived 
there,  and  knowing  that  a  large  body  was  in  our 
rear,  the  General  imagined,  if  we  pursued  our  route, 
that  we  must  engage  both  in  front  and  rear,  under 


APPENDIX.  277 

great  disadvantage  ;  and  to  pursue  his  plan  in  first  re 
treating,  which  was  to  save  the  army,  he  thought  it 
prudent  to  file  off  to  the  left,  and  before  we  reached 
Hudson  river,  we  marched  150  miles.  In  this  march 
we  picked  up  about  thirty  prisoners,  part  British, 
part  Waldeckers,  and  part  Canadians.  The  party  of 
our  men  who  were  at  Skeensborough,  retreated  to 
Fort  Ann.  They  were  twice  attacked  by  the  ninth 
regiment,  and  both  times  repulsed  them.  They  took 
a  Captain  Montgomery  and  a  Doctor,  and  would  pro 
bably  have  taken  the  whole  regiment,  had  their 
ammunition  held  out.  This  is  a  candid  state  of  facts, 
and  for  this  conduct  we  are  told  our  country  calls  us 
either  knaves  or  cowards.  I  conceive  they  ought  to 
be  grateful  to  our  General ;  for  had  we  staid,  we 
very  certainly  should  have  been  taken ;  and  then  no 
troops  to  have  stood  between  the  enemy  and  the 
country.  Our  affairs  now  are  not  desperate  in  this 
quarter,  as  they  certainly  would  have  been.  We 
have  destroyed  Fort  George  and  its  appendages,  and 
shall  soon  be  able,  I  hope,  to  make  head  against  our 
enemies,  as  we  are  gathering  strength  and  re-collect 
ing  ourselves." 


in. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  PEEKSKILL,  March  11,  1779. 

SIR — I  received  last  night  a  letter  of  yours, 
without  date.  It  is  my  intention,  when  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Burr  leaves  the  lines,  you  are  to  command, 


278  APPENDIX. 

and  to  remain  there  as  long  as  the  duties  of  your 
office  of  Inspector  will  permit,  with  all  the 
power  with  which  Colonel  Burr  was  invested. 
These  I  wish  you  to  exercise  in  their  full  extent. 
Previous  to  his  leaving  you,  I  beg  him  and  you  to 
digest  in  order  all  those  directions  I  gave  him,  and 
what  has  appeared  to  him  necessary  to  answer  the 
objects  of  his  command,  which  I  desire  may  be  ob 
served  by  you,  till  I  can  revise  them,  if  that  should 
be  found  necessary. 

I  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  McDOUGALL. 
To  MAJOR  HULL,  at  the  Lines. 

"  Warrant  to  Major  Hull,  commanding  on  the  Lines. 

"  Whereas  a  certain  act  of  the  People,  Senate 
and  Assembly  of  the  State  of  New-York,  entitled 
An  Act  for  the  regulating  Impresses  of  Teams,  &c., 
in  the  said  State,  passed  the  second  of  April  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy-nine,  cannot  be  put  in  execution  on  arid 
along  the  American  lines  in  the  County  of  West 
Chester,  through  the  inability  of  the  civil  officers  to 
execute  the  same  ;  and  whereas  also  the  public  ser 
vice  does  require  immediately,  that  a  number  of  Teams 
be  employed  on  and  along  the  Lines  aforesaid,  and 
the  impossibility  of  obtaining  the  Impressure  of 
Teams  as  aforesaid,  pursuant  to  the  said  Law  is  Im 
practicable.  These  are  therefore  to  authorize  and 
Impower  you  to  Impress  so  many  Teams  from  Time 
to  Time  as  the  Publick  shall  demand  of  and  from 
Disaffected  Persons,  if  so  many  Teams  can  be  pro- 


APPENDIX.  279 

cured  from  them,  otherwise  from  the  other  Inhabi 
tants  also  (they  being  also  to  be  included)  as  far 
North,  on  an  East  and  West  Line,  as  to  the  North 
Castle  Church.  And  you  are  to  give  the  Owner  or 
Owners  of  such  Teams  a  Certificate,  specifying  the 
Time  of  Service,  arid  to  direct  him  or  them  to  call 
for  the  Discharge  of  the  same.  You  are  to  see  that 
the  Owners  and  Teams  be  well  used,  and  to  make  the 
Service  as  easy  as  possibly  you  can,  by  calling  for  the 
Teams  on  the  owners  in  rotation.  Given  under  my 
Hand  and  Seal  this  Twenty-Eighth  day  of  March,  In 
the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy-nine.  Done  at  Head-Quarters,  Peekskill. 

"  ALEX.  McDOUGALL,  M.  General. 

"  To  MAJOR  HULL,  or  the  Officer  commanding  on  the  Lines  > 
in  the  County  of  West  Chester,  for  the  time  being."          £ 

General  McDougalTs  Reply  to  Major  Hull,  in  reference  to 
the  subject  of  Justice  Sherwood's  letter  respecting  im 
pressment,  fyc. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  PEEKSKILL,  April  13,  1779. 

SIR — When  I  wrote  you  on  yesterday,  your  favour 
of  the  7th  was  overlooked  in  my  drawers. 

I  approve  your  conduct  in  ordering  the  horses 
stolen  to  be  returned  to  the  well  affected,  on  salvage. 
This  will  endear  the  army  to  the  distressed  inhab 
itants. 

As  to  your  intended  position,  I  own  I  am  not  clear 
on  its  expediency,  especially  if  the  troops  on  your 
left  do  not  advance.  If  a  superior  force  to  your 
command  should  surround  the  houses  of  your  ad 
vanced  pickets,  they  will  be  lost.  However,  if  your 
intelligence  is  good  and  frequent,  I  have  no  objection 


280  APPENDIX. 

to  your  taking  it.  In  a  little  time  you  can  change 
your  position  so  frequent  in  barns,  that  it  will  be 
extremely  difficult,  with  alertness,  for  the  enemy  to 
surprise  you,  or  any  of  your  parties. 

The  Carolina  Infantry  I  intended  to  relieve.  One 
of  Nixon's  parties,  and  one  from  Poor's  is  ordered  to 
day  to  relieve  the  other  from  that  brigade.  These 
reliefs  are  designed  to  facilitate  a  review  of  Nixon's 
brigade,  so  that  I  desire  every  officer  and  man  from  it 
may  be  sent  up,  when  Poor's  detachment  reaches  you. 
I  shall  do  every  thing  in  my  power  for  the  exchange 
of  the  citizens  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

I  am,  in  haste,  your  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  McDOUGALL. 
To  Major  HULL,  Commanding  on  the  Lines. 

WEST  POINT,  April  19,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR — I  received  your  favour  enclosing  some 
York  papers,  for  which  I  return  you  my  hearty  thanks. 
Agreeable  to  General  McDougall's  order,  received  last 
evening,  send  you  Captain  Drew,  who  I  think  is  an 
officer  calculated  for  an  advanced  corps.  Also  send  a 
sub.  from  General  Patterson's  brigade,  to  relieve 
Lieutenant  Morton,  of  the  first  Massachusetts  regi 
ment,  as  the  company  he  belongs  to  is  destitute  of  an 
officer.  Colonel  Bailey  desires  that  Lieutenant  Hay- 
wood  would  stay  for  the  present,  there  being  now  an 
officer  to  that  company. 

Your  transmitting  to  this  garrison  the  York  papers 
when  there  is  an  opportunity,  will  much  oblige,  sir, 

Your  humble  servant, 

L.  BAILEY. 

Major  HULL,  Commanding  on  the  Lines. 


APPENDIX.  28 1 

WEST  CHESTER  COUNTY,        ) 
SiNG  SING,  April  28th,  1779.    \ 

Agreeable  to  the  law  and  acts  of  the  Legislature, 
in  the  State  of  New- York,  for  the  impressment  of 
any  teams,  horses,  carriages,  or  drivers,  are  not  to  be 
made  on  any  pretence  whatever,  without  the  leave  of 
the  law  of  this  State;  and  as  perpetual  complaints 
are  made  from  time  to  time,  of  unlawful  taking  of 
teams  and  horses,  contrary  to  the  law,  I  do  therefore 
desire  these  or  such  unlawful  practices  may  be  stopped; 
and  as  they  have  an  evil  tendency  to  subverting  good 
order,  I  am  in  the  next  place  to  desire,  that  your  Ho 
nour  will  be  pleased  for  to  return  the  horses  taken 
from  Jacob  Rider  and  Robert  McCord ;  i  ask  this  on 
account  that  these  horses  and  teams  of  Rider  and 
McCord  have  served  at  the  bridge  and  in  carting 

o  O 

forage  to  that  part  of  the  army,  and  as  the  season  of 
the  year  is  come  that  something  must  be  carried  on 
in  the  field,  and  the  team  of  McCord  is  taken  from 
the  plough,  and  the  team  of  Rider,  to  my  knowledge, 
was  going  to  Fishkill  for  to  carry  something  to  his 
son,  and  inasmuch  as  these  teams  have  not  been 
granted  at  any  time  from  the  service,  I  ask  the  return 
of  these  horses,  and  desire  for  the  future  your  Honour 
will  be  pleased  to  take  the  steps  of  the  law,  whenever 
there  shall  be  occasion  for  an  impress  of  horses, 
teams,  or  drivers,  which  will  afford  the  same  supplies 
and  stop  the  clamour  of  the  people,  and  create  good 
order  and  do  honour  to  ourselves  and  country. 
I  am,  sir,  in  all  respects, 

Your  very  humble  servant, 

SOLOMON  SHERWOOD,  ESQ. 

Justice  of  the  Peace.     \ 
To  Major  HULL,  on  the  Lines. 


282  APPENDIX. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  PEEKSKILL,  Feb.  29,  1779. 

SIR — Your  three  favours  of  the  27th  inst.,  and 
one  of  28th,  have  been  received.  I  am  sorry  to  hear 
of  Dykeman's  illness — hope  he  will  soon  recover.  I 
approve  your  plan  of  altering  your  position  in  the 
manner  you  mention  on  the  27th.  You  need  not 
send  up  the  express  every  day,  unless  you  have  advi 
ces  of  the  enemy's  movement,  either  by  land  or  by 
water,  on  the  river,  or  some  very  important  intelli 
gence.  Colonel  Greaton's  regiment  will  be  sent  down 
to  cover  your  left  as  soon  as  it  can  be  got  ready.  In 
the  mean  time,  cover  the  country  as  well  as  you  can. 
Your  letter  to  the  Commander-in-chief  shall  be  for 
warded  with  the  other  papers. 

Your  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  McDOUGALL. 

Major  HULL,  Commanding  on  the  Lines. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  PEEKSKILL,  April  30,  1779. 

SIR — Colonel  Greaton's  regiment  will  march  from 
Crompond  to-morrow,  for  the  Purchase.  I  wish  you 
to  consult  and  arrange  with  the  commanding  officer 
as  to  the  best  mode  of  covering  the  country.  Let  him 
have  half  of  your  guides  and  horsemen,  best  acquaint 
ed  in  that  quarter.  That  regiment,  or  any  other 
which  may  relieve  it,  is  to  retire  by  forced  marches  to 
these  posts,  whenever  the  commanding  officer  shall 
be  advised  from  you,  of  the  enemy  appearing  in  force 
on  the  North  river.  You  will  therefore  please  to 
give  him  information  when  that  event  happens. 

When  Colonel  Lorin  is  settled  and  fixed  in  his 
position,  send  up  the  detachment  from  Poor's  brigade, 
as  they  are  to  march  from  hence  the  eighth  of  next 


APPENDIX.  283 

month.  I  have  directed  Colonel  Bailey  to  send  you 
as  many  of  the  light  infantry  as  can  be  well  shod,  to 
relieve  the  like  number  of  Patterson's  and  Learned's 
with  you. 

I  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  McDOUGALL. 

MAJOR  HULL,  Commanding  on  the  Lines. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  PEEKSKILL,  May  22,  1779. 

SIR — I  duly  received  your  two  favours  of  yesterday. 
I  think  it  very  probable  the  enemy  intend  an  attack  on 
your  parties,  or  a  movement  out  in  pursuit  of  stock. 
If  it  is  the  former,  he  will  make  a  disposition  to  at 
tack  both,  at  the  same  time,  and  at  night  or  very 
early  in  the  morning.  I  wish  you,  therefore,  to 
advise  Major  Oliver  of  the  enemy's  movements, 
and  desire  him  to  be  very  alert.  I  need  not  repeat  the 
necessity  of  having  things  in  train  for  a  quick  move 
ment.  If  the  enemy  move  in  such  force,  as  that  you 
have  reason  to  conclude  he  has  a  greater  object  in 
view  than  that  I  have  mentioned,  it  will  therefore  be 
expedient  that  the  whole  command  on  the  lines,  ex 
cept  the  militia  parties,  retire  in  such  manner  as  will 
give  the  enemy  every  prudent  opposition  in  the  route 
to  join  their  corps.  The  inhabitants  should  be  ad 
vised  of  the  position  of  the  enemy,  to  be  prepared  to 
remove  their  cattle.  When  the  enemy  is  in  motion, 
drop  a  line  of  advice,  if  you  can,  to  General  Nixon, 
and  keep  me  advised  every  day,  till  further  orders. 
I  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  McDOUGALL. 

MAJOR  HULL,  Commanding  on  the  Lines. 


284  APPENDIX. 

Letter  from  John    Nixon,    B.  G.,  to   Major   Hull,    Com 
manding  on  the  Lines. 

COLLABURG,  May  22,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR — I  received  your  favour  of  last  even 
ing  at  nine  o'clock,  in  which  you  inform  me  of  the 
approach  of  the  enemy  as  far  as  Courtlands.  I  im 
mediately  forwarded  your  letter  to  General  McDou- 
gall.  Should  be  glad  you  would  let  me  know  by 
bearer,  whether  the  enemy  has  advanced  any  further 
since  you  wrote  me  last  evening,  and  if  they  have, 
which  road,  and  in  what  direction. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  truest  esteem, 
Sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

JOHN  NIXON,  B.  G. 
MAJOR  HULL,  Commanding  on  the  Lines. 


IV. 

RELATIVE    TO    THE    ASSAULT    ON    MORRIS SANIA. 
Extract  of  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Hull  to  one  of  her  daughters. 

NEWTON,  Massachusetts,  April  12,  1822. 

"  We  have  been  reading  the  Spy,  with  a  good 
deal  of  interest.  It  brought  to  your  father's  recollec 
tion  the  days  of  yore.  The  scenes  were  laid  on 
ground  he  had  often  travelled  over ;  and  that  part  of 
the  book  in  relation  to  the  Skinners,  is  no  fiction. 
Your  father  has  no  recollection  of  the  families  the  au 
thor  mentions,  although  he  knew  almost  every  indi 
vidual  in  that  part  of  the  country,  for  twenty  or  thirty 
miles  around.  He  commanded  on  the  lines,  be 


APPENDIX. 


285 


tween  our  army  and  the  British,  for  three  winters ; 
and  a  hard  time  he  had  of  it,  he  says ;  for  he  made  it 
his  constant  rule,  never  to  take  off  his  clothes  at 
night,  but  merely  to  lay  down  and  take  a  nap,  and 
be  called  at  one  o'clock,  and  mount  his  horse  and  re 
connoitre  the  country  till  morning. 

"  The  author  begins  his  history  in  1781.  It  was 
an  interesting  year — it  was  the  year  we  were  mar 
ried.  Your  father  applied  to  General  Washington 
for  leave  of  absence  :  the  General  replied,  it  was  ne 
cessary  for  a  scouring  party  to  go  down  to  West 
Chester  ;  and  as  he  had  been  there,  and  was  ac 
quainted  with  the  grounds,  he  wished  him  to  go ; 
after  that,,  he  would  give  him  leave  of  absence  till  the 
opening  of  the  spring  campaign.  Previous  to  this, 
he  wrote  me  that  he  should  be  here  early  in  January. 
I,  not  knowing  of  the  secret  expedition,  nor  hearing 
a  word  from  him,  a  long  month  passed,  in  wonder  to 
me,  you  may  well  think ;  but  after  he  had  scoured 
the  grounds  around  West  Chester,  and  brought  off 
old  Tillo  (whose  history  you  have  heard  long  ago)  ; 
he  came,  and  we  were  married.  I  returned  with  him 
to  the  army.  There  I  met  Dr.  Thomas,  a  surgeon 
of  the  regiment.  He  congratulated  me  on  my  arri 
val,  and  gave  me  the  history  of  the  engagement  at 
Morrissania,  which  was  a  pretty  warm  one,  he  said. 
He  was  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  where  he  had  a  full  view 
of  the  manoeuvres  ;  and  his  whole  thoughts  were  on 
me  ;  and  knowing  that  I  hourly  expected  your  father, 
and  what  I  expected  him  for,  he  trembled  at  what 
might  be  the  events  of  this  day. 

"  The  closing  scene  of  the  history  was  affecting 


286  APPENDIX. 

to  us  ;  it  ended  in  Lundy's  Lane,  where  jour  unfortu 
nate  brother  was  killed.*  Thus,  beginning  on  the 
ground  where  your  father  fought,  and  ending  where 
your  brother  fell." 


v. 

TOUR  TO  UPPER  CANADA. 

Extracts  from  a  Journal  of  Colonel  Hull,  while  Com 
missioner  to  treat  -with  the  British  and  hold  Treaties 
with  the  Indians. 

January  27,1794.  This  day  1  rode  through  the 
Oneida  country.  Here  is  a  large  Indian  settlement, 
with  an  extensive  tract  of  land  for  their  use.  They 
are  perfectly  civil  and  well  disposed  towards  the 
United  States.  They  form  a  part  of  the  Six  Na 
tions.  They  have  a  mill  near  their  castle,  arid  a 
blacksmith,  who  is  paid  by  the  United  States ;  a 
schoolmaster,  who  constantly  instructs  the  children, 
and  a  clergyman,  who  officiates  among  them.  God 
grant,  that  the  avarice  of  this  country  may  never 
disturb  these  native  proprietors,  but  that  they  may 
long  live  to  enjoy  their  innocent  customs,  be  enlight 
ened,  and  made  respectable  and  happy. 

At  night  arrived  at.  Canandaigua.  General  Cha- 
pin,  the  Superintendent  of  Indian  affairs,  resides 
here.  I  was  invited  to  attend  a  Council  of  about 
thirty  Seneca  chiefs  and  warriors.  At  ten  in  the 


*  Captain  Abraham  Fuller  Hull  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  Lundy's 
Lane,  in  the  war  of  1812. 


APPENDIX.  287 

morning,  the  council  fire  being  built,  the  chiefs  and 
warriors  were  paraded  in  the  most,  solemn  order. 
One  of  the  chiefs  arose  and  made  a  long  speech, 
with  a  belt  of  wampum  in  his  hand,  to  which  he  re 
ferred,  while  speaking. 

This  belt,  over  which  he  had  studied  his  matter, 
now  aided  to  remind  him  of  the  thoughts  he  wished 
to  communicate.  General  Chapin  made  a  short  re 
ply,  informed  them  who  I  was,  and  the  nature  of  my 
business  to  Niagara;  which  was,  he  said,  to  make  ar 
rangements  for  a  general  peace  with  the  hostile 
Indians. 

I  then  made  a  speech  to  them,  to  which  they  re 
plied  in  a  handsome  and  very  interesting  manner. 
They  seemed  much  pleased,  especially  when  I  in 
formed  them  that  I  should  leave  a  sum  of  money  to 
be  applied  to  their  entertainment. 

January  28.  To-day  1  passed  through  a  country 
but  thinly  settled ;  a  poor  looking  building  perhaps 
in  ten  or  fifteen  miles  met  the  eye.  Excellent  land, 
and  will  no  doubt  become  a  most  important  part  of 
America.  At  evening  arrived  at  a  small  house  on 
the  banks  of  the  Cayuga  Lake. 

Here  1  met  Colonel  Seth  Reed  and  his  son,  who 
reside  at  Geneva,  about  fifteen  miles  from  this  place. 
I  had  dismissed  my  sleigh  and  horses  procured  at 
Schenectady,  and  was  about  engaging  another,  when 
Colonel  Reed,  without  any  solicitation  on  my  part, 
offered  me  his  sleigh  and  horses,  and  his  son  to  attend 
me  to  Niagara.  I  accepted  the  offer. 

About  twelve  o'clock  I  commenced  my  journey  to 
the  Geneva  river ;  accompanied  by  Colonel  Taylor 


288  APPENDIX. 

and  Mr.  Reed.  Here  we  had  arrived  to  the  extent 
of  our  settlements,  and  between  this  and  Niagara  is 
only  a  small  foot-path,  and  two  Indian  settlements, 
the  Tonawantas  and  the  Tuscaroras. 

February  1.  This  morning  Colonel  Taylor,  Mr. 
Reed  and  myself,  mounted  our  horses  and  rode  about 
eight  miles  over  an  entire  flat  country.  On  this  flat, 
near  the  river,  is  a  small  Indian  settlement.  We 
fully  expected  to  have  slept  in  the  woods  this  night. 
After  riding  twenty  miles  without  making  a  stop,  we 
arrived  at  a  good  fire,  which  the  Indians  had  only 
just  left.  Here  we  refreshed  ourselves  for  about 
fifteen  minutes.  We  then  proceeded  on  through  the 
little  path,  which  was  very  deep  and  miry.  Night 
overtook  us  about  four  miles  from  Tonawanta.  I  was 
inclined  to  stop,  but  my  companions  thought  best  to 
proceed  to  the  village.  About  eight  o'clock  we  ar 
rived  at  the  river  opposite  to  the  village.  It  was 
frozen  about  half  over,  and  quite  deep.  We  called, 
and  an  Indian  soon  came  to  the  opposite  bank.  He 
could  not  speak  English,  and  we  could  understand 
nothing  he  said.  We  finally  broke  away  the  ice  and 
plunged  in  with  our  horses.  The  water  was  up  to 
the  saddles.  The  Indian  guided  us  to  his  wigwam. 
It  was  not  long  before  a  great  many  of  the  Indians 
assembled.  I  spoke  to  them  in  the  most  friendly 
terms  possible,  and  continued  to  speak  until  exhaust 
ed  by  fatigue,  I  fell  asleep,  and  did  not  awake  until 
daylight.  In  this  wigwam  there  were  as  many  as 
fifty  bushels  of  corn,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of 
wild  meat.  The  com  was  hung  upon  poles,  and  the 
meat  upon  strings.  Before  I  left,  I  gave  them  money 


APPENDIX.  289 

enough  to  make  the  whole  village  happy.  I  told 
them  to  drink  the  health  of  Honontagalios,  the  In 
dian  name  of  General  Washington.  I  told  them  we 
were  going  to  make  peace  with  all  the  nations,  and 
that  they  must  not  suffer  any  of  their  warriors  to 
join  the  hostile  nations.  They  appeared  to  be  very 
happy  and  very  thankful. 

"  Feb.  2. — At  sunrise  began  our  journey  ;  took 
some  of  these  Indians  as  our  guides,  and  in  the  eve 
ning  arrived  at  the  Tuscarora  village,  ten  miles  from 
Niagara.  Here  the  Indians  assembled  to  meet  me. 
1  had  a  talk  with  them,  and  said  every  thing  in  my 
power  to  convince  them  of  the  friendship  of  the  Uni 
ted  States. 

"  I  told  them  we  wished  for  peace,  and  should 
have  it ;  and  they  must  not  suffer  their  people  to 
join  the  nations  who  were  carrying  on  war  with  the 
United  States.  I  urged  upon  them  the  importance 
of  all  the  chiefs  going  to  the  Sandusky  Treaty.  When 
I  took  leave,  I  gave  them  money,  and  told  them  to 
drink  the  health  of  their  Father  and  friend,  General 
Washington." 

Colonel  Hull  gives  a  description  of  the  Falls  of 
Niagara ;  of  his  reception  by  Governor  Simcoe  ;  of 
the  company  assembled  to  meet  him  ;  of  the  rare  ac 
complishments  of  Mrs.  Simcoe  ;  her  exquisite  draw 
ings  ;  her  maps  like  copper-plate.  He  says  : 

"  Indeed,  she  sustains  a  most  excellent  character, 
and  the  Governor  seems  to  be  the  idol  of  the  people." 
After  dinner,  Colonel  Hull  retired  with  the  Governor, 
to  converse  on  the  subject  of  his  mission. 

He  continues  :  "  On  my  account  the  Governor 
19 


290  APPENDIX. 

ordered  supper  in  his  canvas-house,  which  he  brought 
from  Europe.  It  was  joined  to  his  dwelling-house- 
It  is  a  room  twenty-two  feet  by  fifteen,  with  a  floor, 
windows,  and  doors,  and  warmed  with  a  stove.  It 
is  papered  and  painted,  and  you  would  suppose  you 
were  in  a  common  house.  The  floor  is  the  case  for 
the  whole  of  the  room.  It  is  quite  a  curiosity. 
About  eleven  o'clock  I  was  conducted  to  my  chamber. 
Perceiving  me  so  much  pleased  with  the  canvas-house, 
the  Governor  ordered  breakfast  in  it.  After  break 
fast,  I  had  another  long  conversation  with  him  re 
specting  the  business  of  my  mission." 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


AND 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


CAMPAIGN  OF   1812, 


AND 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OP  DETROIT. 


BY 


JAMES  FREEMAN  CLARKE, 


NEW-YORK: 

D.  APPLETON   &   CO.,  200  BROADWAY. 

PHILADEDPHIA  : 

GEO.  S.  APPLETON,  148  CHESNUT-STREET- 

M  DCCC  XLVIII. 


PREFACE. 


THE  preceding  portion  of  this  volume  contains 
the  history  of  General  Hull's  Revolutionary  services 
and  civil  life  from  1775  to  1805.  This,  which  was 
mostly  written  by  himself,  was  prepared  for  the  press 
by  his  daughter,  Mrs.  MARIA  CAMPBELL,  wife  of  ED 
WARD  F.  CAMPBELL,  Esq.,  of  Augusta,  Georgia.  It 
was  a  favourite  and  cherished  object  of  this  lady  to 
erect  this  monument  to  the  memory  of  her  father, 
and  her  life  was  spared  by  a  kind  Providence  just 
long  enough  to  enable  her  to  complete  it.  Amid 
painful  sickness  and  the  languor  of  disease,  she  la 
boured  diligently  until  it  was  finished.  This  labour 
of  love  seemed  to  sustain  her  failing  strength,  and 
when  she  reached  its  termination  she  could  say, 
"  Lord,  let  me  now  depart,"  and  the  daughter  passed 
into  the  spirit-land,  to  meet  the  parent  whom  she  had 
so  tenderly  loved. 

But  another  labour  yet  remains  to  be  performed. 
Mrs.  Campbell  did  not  attempt  the  history  of  the 
Campaign  of  1812,  and  Surrender  of  Detroit;  for 
though  well  qualified  to  write  it,  from  an  acquaint 
ance  with  all  the  facts  and  arguments  which  justify, 
to  any  unprejudiced  mind,  the  surrender  of  Detroit ; 


296  PREFACE. 

and  though  deeply  convinced  that  her  father  deserved 
praise,  and  not  blame,  for  his  share  in  this  transaction, 
yet  she  shrank  from  a  work  which  she  feared  might 
involve  her  in  angry  controversy,  and  prevent  the 
simple  narration  of  her  father's  Revolutionary  labours 
from  being  appreciated.  She  left  to  another  hand, 
and  another  time,  this  part  of  the  work. 

Still  it  has  been  thought  best  that  the  account  of 
General  Hull's  Revolutionary  services  should  be 
accompanied  with  at  least  a  brief  statement  of  the 
facts  and  reasons  which  refute  the  charges  so  long 
ignorantly  brought  against  the  memory  of  this  much 
injured  servant  of  his  country. 

This  task  has  been  committed  to  the  present 
writer,  who,  with  no  qualifications  except  a  strong 
conviction  of  the  justice  of  the  cause  he  advocates, 
founded  on  careful  study  and  examination,  joined 
with  an  earnest  wish  to  be  candid  and  conscientious, 
has  undertaken  the  work.  He  is  indeed  about  to 
defend  a  grandfather,  and  one  whom  he  remembers 
with  mingled  feelings  of  affection  and  respect.  From 
his  earliest  childhood  he  recalls  the  image  of  a  vener 
able  white-haired  old  man,  living  in  the  midst  of  his 
children  and  grandchildren  ;  employing  in  the  peace 
ful  pursuit  of  agriculture  the  last  years  of  a  life,  the 
first  part  of  which  had  been  spent  in  public  employ 
ment  and  honours.  All  outward  disgraces  seemed  to 
have  fallen  upon  his  head,  yet  all  were  borne  with 
cheerful  equanimity.  A  soldier,  he  had  been  branded 
as  a  coward  ;  a  patriot,  he  was  esteemed  a  traitor  ; 
loving  the  approbation  of  his  fellow-men,  he  was  an 


PREFACE.  297 

object  of  universal  censure  ;  naturally  fond  of  public 
life,  and  ambitious  of  public  usefulness,  he  was  under 
a  sentence  of  irrevocable  ostracism.  But  how  cheer 
ful,  how  happy  were  these  declining  years  of  his  life. 
Happy  in  his  affections,  in  the  love  of  relatives,  in 
the  esteem  of  wise  friends,  in  the  inward  conscious 
ness  of  having  done  right,  to  him  it  might  be  said, 

"  Thou  hast  been 

As  one,  in  suffering  all,  that  suffers  nothing, 
A  man  that  fortune's  buffets  and  rewards 
Hast  taken  with  equal  thanks." 

No  peevishness,  no  complaint,  no  querulous  refer 
ence  to  a  nation's  ingratitude,  ever  fell  from  his  lips. 
Remembering  this,  I  cannot  but  feel  a  strong  desire 
to  do  full  justice  to  his  cause,  yet  I  feel  also,  that  if 
his  spirit  could  now  communicate  to  me  his  wishes, 
he  would  charge  me  to  use  no  art  but  that  of  truth, 
not  to  overstate  his  side  of  the  question,  nor  to  under 
state  that  of  his  opponents  ;  to  extenuate  nothing, 
and  set  down  nothing  in  malice.  And  I  shall  en 
deavour  to  conform  to  this  rule  and  write  in  this 
spirit.  I  will  not,  if  it  can  be  avoided,  use  a  harsh 
word,  even  toward  those  from  whom  he  has  received 
the  most  cruel  injuries.  He  has  gone  where  nothing 
can  touch  him  further.  His  enemies  still  live  and 
are  in  pursuit  of  public  honours,  and  are  liable  to  be 
injured  by  the  exposure  of  their  past  errors.  But 
this  injury,  I  have  no  desire  to  inflict,  except  where 
it  becomes  necessary  to  defend  General  Hull's  mem 
ory,  by  stating  the  simple  truth. 

After  the  Court  Martial  in  1814  had  closed,  Gen 
eral  Hull  returned  to  his  farm  in  Newton,  which  he 


298  PREFACE. 

had  inherited  through  his  wife,  and  there  passed  the 
last  years  of  his  life  in  the  pursuits  of  agriculture. 
While  the  public,  misguided  by  false  rumours,  was 
accusing  him  of  having  sold  his  country  for  "  British 
gold,"  of  having  built  a  splendid  palace,  and  having 
married  his  daughter  to  General  Brock  ;*  he,  with 
difficulty,  supported  his  family  by  farming.  In  re 
moving  to  Detroit,  he  had  expended  much  of  the 
small  property  he  had  previously  accumulated.  He  had 
also  paid  out  money  of  his  own,  for  his  army,  while 
on  its  march,  which  was  never  repaid  him,  because 
the  vouchers  had  been  destroyed  in  the  destruction 
of  the  Adams,  when  she  was  burnt  by  Capt.  Elliott. 
But  his  active  mind  devoted  itself  to  experiments  in 
practical  agriculture,  many  of  which  he  communi 
cated  to  the  magazines  devoted  to  that  science.  So 
passed  his  years  until  the  time  arrived  when  the 
clouds  which  rested  on  his  fame,  were  partially  dis 
persed,  and  his  setting  sun  shone  forth  for  a  brief 
space  in  a  serene  sky. 

In  the  year  1824,  General  Hull  published  a  se 
ries  of  letters  in  defence  of  his  conduct  during  the 
campaign  of  1812.  These  letters,  first  printed  in  the 
"  American  Statesman,"  a  Boston  newspaper,  and 
copied  into  many  other  papers,  of  both  political  par 
ties,  and  afterwards  reprinted  in  a  collected  form,  ex 
ercised  great  influence  on  the  public  mind,  wherever 
they  were  read.  The  North  American  Review,  in  a 
notice  of  these  letters,  understood  to  have  been  writ 
ten  by  Jared  Sparks,  said,  "  that  from  the  public 

*  Such  reports  have  been  widely  circulated. 


PREFACE.  299 

documents  collected  and  published  in  them,  the  con 
clusion  must  unequivocally  be  drawn,  that  General 
Hull  was  required  by  the  Government  to  do,  what  it 
was  morally  and  physically  impossible  that  he  should 
do."*  Many  other  periodicals  throughout  the  Union 
expressed  the  same  opinion. 

A  public  dinner  was  given  in  Boston  to  General 
Hull,  by  citizens  of  both  political  parties.  He  also 
received  very  gratifying  letters  from  various  quarters, 
particularly  from  old  companions  of  the  Revolution 
ary  army,  expressing  their  pleasure  at  his  having  vin 
dicated  so  completely  his  conduct  and  his  character.f 

General  Hull  did  not  live  long  after  these  events. 
He,  however,  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  Lafay 
ette,  in  1825,  who  paid  him  a  visit,  when  in  Boston 
during  that  year.  He  was  present  at  the  celebration 
of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  afterwards  visited 
his  mother  in  his  native  town  of  Derby,  in  Connec 
ticut,  the  citizens  of  which  gave  him  a  public  dinner. 
Returning  home,  he  was  attacked  by  a  disease  which 
soon  proved  mortal.  On  his  death-bed  he  declared, 
in  the  most  solemn  manner,  his  conviction  that  he 
had  done  right  in  surrendering  Detroit,  and  expressed 
his  happiness  that  he  had  thus  saved  the  lives  of  the 
peaceful  citizens  of  Michigan  from  being  needlessly 
sacrificed.  He  died  in  Nov.  1825,  in  the  73d  year  of 
his  age. 

It  was  not,  however,  to  be  expected,  that  a  preju 
dice  so  deeply  rooted  and  widely  spread,  as  that 
which  held  General  Hull  to  be  a  coward  or  a  traitor, 

*  See  Appendix,  Note  1.  f  See  Appendix  for  some  of  these 

letters. 


300  PREFACE. 

would  be  immediately  overcome.  Men  love  their 
prejudices  too  well — they  hug  them  to  their  hearts, 
as  their  dearest  treasures.  General  Hull  had  been 
made  the  scape-goat  for  the  sins  committed  by  the 
Administration  arid  war  party,  in  precipitating  hostil 
ities  before  the  country  was  prepared  for  them,  and 
for  the  faults  of  those  who  ought  to  have  aided  him, 
and  co-operated  with  him.  To  admit  that  General 
Hull  was  an  injured  man,  was,  with  many  persons, 
to  admit  that  they  themselves  had  committed  great 
errors  or  faults.  Few  are  capable  of  a  magnanimity 
like  this.  Accordingly  the  old  charges  continue  to  be 
repeated  in  various  shapes,  though  all  respectable 
writers  have  abandoned  the  worst  accusations.  Few 
are  yet  able  to  rise  to  the  platform  of  impartial  his 
tory,  and  say  with  Mr.  Sparks,  that  under  the  cir 
cumstances  in  which  General  Hull  was  placed,  there 
was  no  possibility  of  his  effecting  what  was  required 
of  him.  Yet  we  find  now  a  very  general  ad 
mission,  that  others  were,  at  least,  as  much  to  blame 
as  he,  for  the  failure  of  the  Canada  campaign. 

Thus  General  Armstrong,  one  of  the  most  bitter 
and  vindictive  assailants  of  the  character  of  General 
Hull,  is  obliged  to  admit,  that  the  Administration  was 
in  error,  in  not  acquiring  previous  knowledge  of  the 
forces  to  be  encountered  in  Canada  ;  in  not  recalling 
the  garrisons  of  the  remote  and  indefensible  posts  ; 
in  not  transmitting  to  General  Hull  information  of 
the  declaration  of  war,  until  long  after  the  British  in 
Canada  had  knowledge  of  it ;  in  not  following  General 
Hull's  repeated  and  urgent  suggestions,  that  a  fleet 


PREFACE.  301 

be  constructed  on  Lake  Erie  and  a  large  co-operating 
force  assembled  at  Niagara ;  and  finally,  in  not  furnish 
ing  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  to  General  Hull, 
to  accomplish  the  objects  of  his  expedition.* 

Recent  writers,  therefore,  who  have  written  on 
the  history  of  the  last  war,  or  had  occasion  to  refer  to 
its  events,  while  they  have  been  obliged  to  admit 
that  the  main  cause  of  the  failure  of  the  invasion  of 
Canada  and  the  surrender  of  Detroit,  was  to  be  found 
in  the  unprepared  state  of  the  country,  the  errors  of 
the  Administration,  and  the  absence  of  an  American 
fleet  on  Lake  Erie,  have  nevertheless  continued  to 
accuse  General  Hull  of  military  faults,  in  a  greater  or 
less  degree.  Some  ignorantly  repeat  the  sweep 
ing  and  contradictory  charges  of  treason  and  cow 
ardice.  One  writer  speaks  of  "  the  surrender  of  a 
large  force  with  the  important  post  of  Detroit  by 
General  Hull,  under  circumstances  which  made  it  al 
most  certain,  that  he  had  been  purchased  by  the  Brit- 
ish."\ — This  sentence  is  in  a  biography  published 
only  four  years  ago,  when  the  writer  possessed  every 
opportunity  of  knowing  that  there  was  not  the  shadow 
of  evidence  to  be  found  in  support  of  such  an  accu 
sation.  Loose  charges  of  this  kind  are  so  often 
made,  that  they  have  their  effect  on  public  opinion. 
The  errors  of  one  writer  are  copied  by  another,  and 

*  Armstrong's   "Notices   of  the  of    Infantry,  how   different  would 

War  of  1812,"  Vol.  L,  pp.  46-51 :  have  been  the  issue   of  the  cam- 

"  Had  the  Government  invited  Gov-  paign !" 

ernor  Shelby  of  Kentucky  or  Gov-  f  From  a  Memoir  of  Henry  Clay, 
ernor  Meigs  of  Ohio,  to  follow  in  prefixed  to  Clay's  Life  and  Speech- 
Hull's  track,  with  two  thousand  es.  Greeley  &  McElrath,  1843, 
gun-men  and  Winchester's  Brigade  p.  71. 


302  PREFACE. 

even  the  writers  of  history,  instead  of  recurring  to 
the  original  sources,  are  accustomed  to  repeat,  without 
examination,  what  is  asserted  by  previous  writers  of 
no  authority.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  present 
work  will  correct  some  of  these  popular  impressions. 
The  sources  from  which  I  derive  the  facts  and  state 
ments  herein  contained,  are  as  follows : 

Certified  copies  of  public  documents,  referring  to 
the  campaign  of  1812,  from  the  office  of  the  Adju 
tant-General  at  Washington.  Forbes'  Report  of  the 
Trial  of  General  Hull,  by  a  Court  Martial  at  Albany, 
containing  the  testimony  of  the  witnesses  on  that 
trial.  Hull's  Memoirs  of  the  Campaign  of  the  North 
western  Army,  collected  and  published,  Boston,  1824. 
Life  and  Correspondence  of  Major-General  Sir  Isaac 
Brock,  London,  1845.  Dawson's  Life  of  Harrison. 
Lanman's  History  of  Michigan.  Histories  of  the 
War  of  1812,  by  McAffee,  Ingersoll,  James,  &c. 
Christie's  War  in  Canada.  Armstrong's  Notices. 
Private  papers,  files  of  letters,  &c.,  left  by  General 
Hull,  and  referring  to  his  administration  while  Gov 
ernor  of  the  Territory  of  Michigan. 

The  Appendix  will  contain  some  documents  and 
letters,  illustrating  the  history  of  the  campaign  of 
1812. 


CONTENTS. 


PREFACE 295 

CHAPTER  I. 

WILLIAM  HULL  APPOINTED  GOVERNOR  OF  MICHIGAN. — EVENTS  OF  HIS  AD 
MINISTRATION. — INDIAN  SETTLEMENTS  IN  MICHIGAN. — TREATIES  WITH 
THE  INDIANS. — TROUBLES 305 

CHAPTER  II. 

WAR   OF   1812. — GOVERNOR    HULL   APPOINTED    BRIGADIER-GENERAL    TO 

LEAD  THE  TROOPS   FROM  OHIO  TO  DETROIT. MARCH  TO  DETROIT. 

INVASION  OF  CANADA. — FALL  OF  MICHILIMACKINAC,  AND  SUBSEQUENT 

EVENTS 325 

CHAPTER  III. 

SITUATION  OF  GENERAL  HULL — BROCK'S  ARRIVAL  AT  MALDEN. — SUR 
RENDER  OF  DETROIT. — ITS  REASONS. — STATE  OF  COMMUNICATIONS, 
TROOPS,  PROVISIONS,  &c 360 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  COURT  MARTIAL. — How  CONSTITUTED,  AND  ITS  CHARACTER. — ITS  DE 
CISION  AND  SENTENCE. — CONCLUSION 396 

APPENDIX. 

NOTE  1. — EXTRACT  FROM  A  NOTICE  OF  GENERAL  HULL'S  "MEMOIRS  OF  THE 
CAMPAIGN  OF  1812,"  FROM  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW  .  .  .  411 

NOTE  2. — MEMORIALS  BY  GENERAL  HULL,  RECOMMENDING  A  FLEET  ON 
LAKE  ERIE 413 

NOTE  3. — LETTER  FROM  THE  SECRETARY  AT  WAR  TO  GENERAL  DEARBORN  417 
NOTE  4 — GENERAL  VAN  RENSSELAER'S  LETTER,  AUGUST  19,  1812    .        .  418 


304  CONTENTS. 

NOTE  5. — SIR  GEORGE  PREVOST'S  LETTER  TO  GENERAL  BROCK,  CONCERNING 

THE  PROPOSED  ARMISTICE 418 

NOTE  6. — EXTRACT  FROM  INGERSOLL'S  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR  OF  1812  .  419 
NOTE  7. — LETTER  FROM  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR  TO  GENERAL  DEARBORN  421 
NOTE  8. — MILLER'S  TESTIMONY  ON  THE  COURT  MARTIAL  .  .  421 

NOTES  9,  10,  11,  12. — TESTIMONY  OF  WITNESSES  ON  THE  COURT  MAR 
TIAL  421 

NOTE  13  — EXTRACT  FROM  GENERAL  HULL'S  "  MEMOIRS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 
OF  1812,"  UPON  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  COURT  MARTIAL  .  .  423 

NOTE  14. — LETTERS  FROM  REVOLUTIONARY  OFFICERS  AND  OTHERS,  TESTIFY 
ING  TO  GENERAL  HULL'S  CHARACTER 425 

NOTE  15. — LETTER  FROM  ROBERT  WALLACE,  GIVING  HIS  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 
THE  SURRENDER  OF  DETROIT,  PUBLISHED  IN  KENTUCKY,  IN  1842  .  .  443 

NOTE  16. — LETTER  FROM  A  GENTLEMAN  OF  PENNSYLVANIA/  DESCRIBING 
PERRY'S  DIFFICULTIES  IN  BUILDING  HIS  FLEET,  &c 461 

NOTE  17. — LETTER  FROM  WILLIAM  SULLIVAN,  ESQ.,  TO  A  DAUGHTER  OF 
GENERAL  HULL 479 

NOTE  18. — LETTER  FROM  S.  HALE,  Esq.,  TO  MRS.  N.  B.  HICKMAN,  A 
DAUGHTER  OF  GENERAL  HULL  .  ...  481 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


AND 


SURRENDER  OP  THE  POST  OP  DETROIT. 


CHAPTER    I. 

WILLIAM  HULL  APPOINTED  GOVERNOR  OF  MICHIGAN. — EVENTS  OF  HIS  ADMIN 
ISTRATIONS. — INDIAN  SETTLEMENTS  IN  MICHIGAN. — TREATIES  WITH  THE 
INDIANS  . — TROUBLES. 

IN  1805,  March  22d,  William  Hull  received  from 
Thomas  Jefferson,  President  of  the  United  States, 
the  appointment  of  Governor  of  Michigan,  which  had 
been  erected  into  a  separate  territory  by  Act  of  Con 
gress,  January  llth,  of  the  same  year.  The  Legis 
lative  power  of  the  territory  was  vested  in  the  Gov 
ernor  and  Judges,  who  were  authorized  to  adopt  and 
publish  its  laws  from  the  codes  of  the  original  States. 
William  Hull  was  also  appointed  Indian  Agent,  an 
office  which  was  then  connected  with  that  of  Exec 
utive  Magistrate. 

The  duties  of  Indian  Agent  were  not  the  least 
considerable  of  those  belonging  to  the  office  of  Gov 
ernor.  The  white  inhabitants  of  Michigan,  collec- 
20 


306  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

tively,  amounted  six  years  after  this  time  to  only  4860 
persons  ;  four-fifths  of  whom  were  French,  and  the 
remainder  Americans,  with  a  few  British.  But  the 
Indian  settlements  within  the  territory  were  numerous. 
They  consisted  of  the  Pottawatamies,  who  inhabited 
the  upper  branches  of  the  river  Raisin,  Huron,  &c. ; 
the  Miamis,  Wyandots,*  Chippewas,  Winnebagoes, 
Ottawas,  and  others,  whose  villages  were  scattered 
through  the  region  between  the  present  States  of 
Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Michigan,  and  within  the  penin 
sula  itself.  These  were  the  tribes  who  were  after 
wards  united  with  Tecumsehand  the  Prophet  against 
the  United  States,  and  as  allies  of  England,  as  they 
had  formerly  been  united  under  Pontiac  against  the 
English  and  as  allies  of  France.  They  felt  that  the 
•people  of  the  United  States  were  their  natural  enemies 
because  their  lands  were  perpetually  encroached  upon 
by  them.  Just  so  they  had  before  felt  that  the  English 
were  their  enemies,  so  long  as  it  was  from  the  Eng 
lish  that  they  apprehended  the  loss  of  their  lands. 
General  Hull,  as  Indian  Agent,  had  in  view  two  ob 
jects,  which  he  communicated  to  the  President,  in 
letters  to  General  Dearborn,  Secretary  at  War,  dated 
January  10th  and  17th,  1806.f 

The  first  object  was,  to  extinguish  gradually  and 
regularly  the  Indian  title ;  the  second,  to  instruct 
the  tribes  in  farming  and  the  mechanic  arts.  At  this 
time  the  Indian  title  in  Michigan  had  been  extin 
guished  only  in  the  following  tracts  : 

*  Most  of  the  Wyandots  were  on        f  Copies  from  General  Hull's  pri- 
the  Upper  and  Lower  Sandusky.       vate  papers,  in  possession  of  the  writer. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   397 

First,  at  the  post  of  Detroit,  and  a  district  adja 
cent,  bounded  north  by  Lake  St.  Clair,  south  by  the 
river  Raisin,  and  west  by  a  line  six  miles  distant  from 
Detroit  river. 

Secondly,  the  post  of  Michilimackinac,  (now 
Mackinaw,)  and  the  island  itself,  and  the  mainland 
adjacent,  extending  six  miles  on  Lake  Huron,  and 
three  miles  back,  and  the  island  De  Blois  Blanc. 

The  Indian  title  was  also  extinguished  in  north 
western  Ohio,  at  the  Rapids,  and  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Maumee,  and  on  Sandusky  bay. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen,  that  except  a  strip  of  land, 
all  of  Michigan  was  in  possession  of  the  Indians. 
Meantime  American  settlers  were  anxious  to  come  in. 
Governor  Hull,  therefore,  was  strongly  desirous  of 
making  some  satisfactory  treaties  with  the  Indians. 
He  says,  in  his  communication  of  January  14th,  1806: 

"  1  should  think  it  would  be  expedient  to  purchase 
all  the  land  in  the  territory,  south  of  a  line  drawn  due 
west  from  the  most  westerly  point  of  Saganaw  bay 
to  Lake  Michigan.  In  that  case,  probably  some 
small  reservations  for  the  Indians  might  be  necessary; 
one  probably  on  the  river  St.  Joseph,  which  empties 
itself  into  the  southerly  part  of  Lake  Michigan,  where 
many  of  the  Pottawatamies  now  reside,  one  on  the 
upper  branches  of  the  river  Huron,  which  empties 
into  Lake  St.  Clair,  and  one  on  the  Saganaw  river, 
which  falls  into  Saganaw  bay."  He  goes  on  to 
mention  other  reservations,  and  adds,  that  "  the  Pot 
tawatamies  and  Chippewas  are  the  proprietors  of  the 
country.  Some  of  the  other  tribes,  probably  by  com- 


308  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

pact  or  understanding  among  them,  may  consider 
themselves  as  having  other  rights,  by  which  they  may 
claim  some  part  of  the  compensation,  and  conse 
quently  it  may  be  necessary  to  make  them  parties  to 
the  treaty."  * 

Pursuing  this  plan,  in  1807  Governor  Hull  en 
tered  into  a  treaty,  at  Detroit,  with  the  Ottawa, 
Chippewa,  Pottawatamie,  and  Wyandot  tribes,  by 
which  they  ceded  to  the  United  States  an  extensive 
territory  on  the  southeastern  side  of  Michigan,  bounded 
south  by  the  river  and  bay  of  Miami ;  west  by  a  line 
running  north  and  south,  through  the  middle  of  the 
territory,  nearly  as  far  north  as  Saganaw  bay,  and 
north  by  a  line  running  from  this  point  to  White  Rock 
in  Lake  Huron.  In  payment  for  this  land,  annuities 
were  given  to  several  tribes.f 

This  cession  was  not  accomplished,  however, 
without  difficulty  and  opposition.  Among  Governor 
Hull's  papers,  is  a  letter  dated  June  10th,  1807,  from 
Captain  Dunham,  commanding  at  Michilimackinacy 
in  which  he  speaks  as  follows  :  "  Immediately  on 
the  receipt  of  your  Excellency's  favour  of  April  29th, 
I  summoned  together  the  chiefs  of  the  Chippewa  and 
Ottawa  tribes,  and  laid  before  them  the  subject  of 
your  letter,  respecting  the  council  or  treaty  to  be  held 
at  Detroit.  They  decided  instantly  and  unanimously 
not  to  attend  the  council,  nor  to  have  any  thing  to  do 
with  alienating  their  lands.  They  say  '  our  brethren 

*  Copy  of  a  letter  to  Hon.  H.        f  Lanman's  History  of  Michigan, 
Dearborn,  Secretary  at  War,  dated    page  183, 
January  14,  1805.— Hull's  papers. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   3Q9 

below  are  forgetting  their  children ;  if  they  are  fools 
enough  to  throw  away  their  hunting  grounds,  let  them 
do  it ;  we,  however,  in  this  quarter,  will  do  no  such 
thing — and  we  hope,  my  brother,  that  you  will  not 
think  of  taking  away  one  hand's  breadth  of  our  lands, 
for  we  have  not  so  much  to  spare.'  In  short,  they 
appear  to  be  much  alarmed  on  the  subject,  and  indi 
cate  a  disposition  by  no  means  friendly.  I  believe 
they  have  been  tampered  with,  and  I  suspect  some 
unauthorized  individuals  of  a  neighbouring  nation 
are  endeavouring  to  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the 
intended  treaty."  * 

This  last  suspicion  was  quite  unnecessary,  though 
perhaps  natural.  It  needed  no  suggestion  from  the 
French  or  British  to  make  the  Indians  reluctant  to 
give  up  their  territory.  It  was  owing  to  natural  and 
inevitable  causes,  that  the  Indians  grew  more  and 
more  hostile  to  the  Americans,  and  ever  more  friendly 
to  the  British.  Those  who  wanted  their  lands,  were 
their  natural  enemies ;  those  who  could  assist  them 
to  retain  them,  were  their  natural  allies.  These 
causes  had  but  a  few  years  before  made  them  friendly 
to  the  French  and  hostile  to  the  English ;  they  now 
made  them  friendly  to  the  English  and  hostile  to  the 
Americans.  The  flood  of  American  immigration  was 
beginning  to  flow  into  northwestern  Ohio  and  In 
diana,  but  no  such  emigration  was  taking  place  toward 
the  west  of  the  British  possessions.  The  Americans 
were  farmers,  and  would  occupy  the  lands  perma- 

*  Copy  of  Captain  Dunham's  letter,  in  Hull's  papers. 


310  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

nently.  The  only  British  who  came  near  them,  were 
hunters,  like  themselves,  or  traders  to  buy  their  furs. 
These  deep-lying  and  permanent  causes  of  a  state  of 
things,  which  no  wisdom  nor  energy  on  the  part  of 
the  territorial  government  could  alter,  had  already 
begun  to  produce  that  confederacy  against  the  United 
States,  of  the  Indian  tribes,  of  which  the  Shawnee 
Prophet  was  the  head,  and  his  brother  Tecumseh 
both  head  and  hand. 

As  early  as  1806,  the  Prophet  commenced  his 
operations.  His  object  was  to  unite  all  the  north 
western  Indians  against  the  progress  of  the  American 
settlements.  The  Prophet  affirmed,  that  he  had 
seen  the  Great  Spirit ;  and  that  he  was  his  agent. 
He  said  that  the  Americans  were  intending  to  push 
the  Indians  into  the  Lakes,  as  they  had  driven  them 
from  the  sea-coast;  that  the  Indians  must  take  a 
stand  where  they  were,  and  drive  the  Americans  to 
the  other  side  of  the  Alleghany  mountains.  This 
effort  of  the  Prophet  excited  great  interest  through 
all  the  Bribes,  and  produced  manifest  effects  on  the 
tempers  of  the  Indians.  From  all  quarters  Governor 
Hull  was  informed  of  the  hostile  spirit  which  began 
to  be  manifested.  The  first  notice  of  the  Shawnee 
Prophet  which  appears  in  Governor  Hull's  correspon 
dence,  is  contained  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Gov 
ernor,  by  William  Wells,  from  Fort  Wayne,  dated 
September  5,  1806.*  He  says,  "  that  a  number  of 
Shawnee  Indians  have  settled  at  Greenville,  on  lands 

*  Hull's  papers. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       3^ 

belonging  to  the  United  States.  They  have  a  man 
among  them  that  pretends  to  be  a  prophet.  This 
fellow  is  well  calculated  to  lead  the  Indians  astray, 
and  it  appears  that  it  is  his  determination  to  do  so." 

But  the  most  remarkable  evidence  of  the  Pro 
phet's  sagacity  and  influence,  is  found  in  a  speech, 
delivered  on  the  4th  May,  1807,  by  an  Indian  named 
Le  Maigouis,  or  the  Trout.*  .  This  speech  was  deliv 
ered  at  the  entrance  of  Lake  Michigan  (Le  Maioui- 
tinong,)  and  a  full  account  of  it  was  transmitted  to 
Governor  Hull  by  Captain  Dunham,  from  Mackinaw, 
with  a  letter,  from  which  we  make  the  following  ex 
tracts  : 

"  FORT  MICHILIMACKINAC,  May  20,  1807. 

"  SIR, — I  have  thought  it  my  duty  to  state  to  your 
Excellency,  that  there  appears  to  be  an  exten 
sive  movement  among  the  savages  of  this  quarter, 
which  seems  to  carry  with  it  a  good  deal  of  the  dark 
and  mysterious.  Belts  of  wampum  are  rapidly  circu 
lating  from  one  tribe  to  another,  and  a  spirit  is  pre 
vailing  by  no  means  pacific.  What  I  have  been  able 
to  learn,  through  sources  to  be  relied  on,  leaves  little 
room  for  conjecture  as  to  the  object  of  their  hostile 
intentions  ;  and  the  enclosed  talk,  which  has  been  in 
dustriously  spread  among  them,  and  which  seems  to 
have  had  considerable  effect  on  their  minds,  needs  no 
comment. 

"  It  ought  to  be  observed,  that  this  Talk  is  com- 

*  Called  by  Lanman,  Le    Mar-    manuscript  it  is  always  spelt  Mai- 
quois :  probably  a  misprint,  as  in  the    gouis. 


312  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

municated  in  open  council,  where  old  and  young  of 
both  sexes  are  allowed  to  assemble.  There  is,  how 
ever,  another  Talk,  known  only  in  the  private  coun 
cil  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors.  From  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  the  former,  we  may  easily  infer  the  com 
plexion  and  views  of  the  latter.  There  is  certainly 
mischief  at  the  bottom,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  in 
my  mind,  but  that  the  object  and  intention  of  this  great 
Manitou,  or  second  Adam,  under  pretence  of  restor 
ing  to  the  Aborigines  their  former  independence,  and 
to  the  savage  character  its  animal  energy,  is,  in  re 
ality,  to  induce  a  general  effort  to  rally,  and  to  strike 
somewhere  a  desperate  and  decisive  blow. 

"  I  cannot  say  that  I  apprehend  an  immediate  at 
tack.  Perhaps  my  character  as  a  soldier  might  be 
called  in  question,  were  I  to  suppose  the  possibility 
of  a  thing  which  some  would  deem  so  improbable. 
But,  aware  as  1  am  of  the  insidiousness  and  treachery 
of  this  people,  I  have  thought  it  no  more  than  a  dic 
tate  of  prudence  to  watch  their  motions,  and  to  be  in 
constant  readiness  to  receive  them,  either  with  the 
olive  branch  or  the  bayonet,  as  circumstances  might 
require. 

"  Many  fabulous  and  foolish  stories  are  circulated, 
to  impress  the  idea  of  their  great  progenitor's  divinity 
and  mission  ;  but  whether  he  is  really  the  envoy  of 
heaven,  or  only  an  emissary  from  the  Cabinet  of  St. 
Cloud,  I  will  not  presume  to  say.  He  is  represented 
as  being  seen  only  on  an  elevated  scaffold,  sitting  or 
kneeling  on  a  cross,  and  in  a  constant  attitude  of  de 
votion.  It  is  even  said,  that  he  can  fly;  and  that  the 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 

multitude  of  his  disciples  who  visit  him,  are  miracu 
lously  fed  by  a  profusion  of  wild  animals,  which  are 
thronging  about  him  for  that  purpose.  All  this  is 
eagerly  swallowed  ;  and  the  severe  denunciations  of 
his  penal  code,  terrify  them  at  once  into  an  adoption 
of  his  creed.  His  system  is  so  artfully  interwoven 
with  their  ancient  superstitions  and  their  modern  pre 
judices,  that  they  receive  the  whole  with  a  religious 
enthusiasm. 

"  How  long  this  frenzy  may  last,,  or  whether  the 
Indians  immediately  in  this  vicinity  may  eventually 
come  in  to  the  extent  of  the  measure,  I  cannot  say. 
The  herald  of  this  new  religion,  Le  Maigouis,  is  a  bro 
ther  of  the  principal  chief  at  Arbre  Croche.  He  is  now 
gone  to  Lake  Superior,  to  initiate  the  savages  of  that 
quarter  into  its  mysteries. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be  your  Excellency's  obe 
dient  and  humble  servant, 

(Signed)  J.  DUNHAM." 

Substance  of  a  talk  delivered  at  Le  Maiouitinong, 
entrance  of  Lake  Michigan,  by  the  Indian  Chief  Le 
Maigouis,  or  the  Trout,  May  4th,  1807,  as  coming 
from  the  first  man  whom  God  created,  said  to  be  in 
the  Shawnese  country,  addressed  to  all  the  different 
Tribes  of  Indians. 

Le  Maigouis,  holding  in  his  hand  eight  strings  of 
old  wampum,  four  white  and  four  blue,  said  : 

"  Brothers, — These  strings  of  wampum  come 
from  the  Great  Spirit.  Do  not  despise  them,  for  he 
knows  every  thing.  They  are  to  go  all  around  the 


314  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

earth,  till  they  are  lost.  They  were  sent  to  you  by 
the  first  man  he  created  with  these  words  : 

"  Children, — I  was  asleep,  when  the  Great  Spirit 
addressing  himself  to  another  Spirit  said,  1  have 
closed  my  book  of  accounts  with  man,  and  am  going 
to  destroy  the  earth  :  but  first  I  will  awaken  from  the 
Sleep  of  the  Dead,  the  first  man  I  created ;  he  is 
wise.  And  let  us  hear  if  he  has  aught  to  say.  He 
then  awoke  me  and  told  me  what  he  was  about  to 
do. 

"  I  looked  around  the  world  and  saw  my  Red 
children  had  greatly  degenerated,  that  they  had  be 
come  scattered  and  miserable.  When  I  saw  this,  I 
was  grieved  on  their  account,  and  asked  leave  of  the 
Great  Spirit  to  come  to  see  if  I  could  reclaim  them. 
I  requested  the  Great  Spirit  to  grant,  in  case  they 
should  listen  to  my  voice,  that  the  world  might  yet 
subsist  for  the  period  of  Three  full  Lives,  and  my  re 
quest  was  granted. 

"Now,  therefore,  my  children,  listen  to  my  voice, 
it  is  that  of  the  Great  Spirit !  If  you  hearken  to  my 
counsel  and  follow  my  instructions  for  four  years, 
then  will  there  be  two  days  of  darkness,  during 
which,  I  shall  tread  unseen  through  the  land  and 
cause  the  animals,  such  as  they  were  formerly,  when 
I  created  them,  to  come  forth  out  of  the  earth.  The 
Great  Spirit  bids  me  address  you  in  his  own  words, 
which  are  these  : 

"  My  children, — You  are  to  have  very  little  inter 
course  with  the  whites.  They  are  not  your  Father, 
as  you  call  them,  but  your  brethren.  /  am  your  Fa- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 

tfier.  When  you  call  me  so,  you  do  well.  I  am  the 
Father  of  the  English,  of  the  French,  of  the  Span 
iards,  and  of  the  Indians.  I  created  the  first  man, 
who  was  the  common  Father  of  all  these  people  as 
well  as  yourselves  ;  and  it  is  through  him,  whom  1 
have  now  awakened  from  his  long  sleep,  that  I  now 
address  you.  But  the  Americans,  I  did  not  make. 
They  are  not  my  children,  but  the  children  of  the  Evil 
Spirit.  They  grew  from  the  scum  of  the  great  water, 
when  it  was  troubled  by  the  Evil  Spirit,  and  the 
froth  was  driven  into  the  woods,  by  a  strong  east 
wind.  They  are  numerous,  but  1  hate  them.  They 
are  unjust.  They  have  taken  away  your  lands, 
which  were  not  made  for  them. 

"  My  children, — The  whites  I  placed  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Great  Lake,  that  they  might  be  a  separate 
people.  To  them  I  gave  different  manners,  customs, 
animals,  vegetables,  &c.,  for  their  use.  To  them  I 
have  given  cattle,  sheep,  swine,  and  poultry,  for 
themselves  only.  You  are  not  to  keep  any  of  their 
animals,  nor  to  eat  of  their  meat.  To  you  I  have 
given  the  deer,  the  bear,  and  all  wild  animals,  and 
the  fish  that  swim  in  the  rivers,  and  the  corn  that 
grows  in  the  fields,  for  your  own  use  ;  and  you  are 
not  to  give  your  meat  or  your  corn  to  the  whites  to 
eat. 

"  My  children, — You  may  salute  the  whites  when 
you  meet  them,  but  must  not  shake  hands.  You 
must  not  get  drunk.  It  is  a  great  sin.  Your  old 
men  and  chiefs  may  drink  a  little  pure  spirits,  such 
as  comes  from  Montreal :  but  you  must  not  drink 


316  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

whisky.  It  is  the  drink  of  the  Evil  Spirit.  It  was 
not  made  by  me ;  but  by  the  Americans.  It  is  poi 
son.  It  makes  you  sick.  It  burns  your  insides. 
Neither  are  you  on  any  account  to  eat  bread.  It  is 
the  food  of  the  whites. 

"  My  children, — You  must  plant  corn  for  your 
selves,  for  your  wives,  and  for  your  children.  And 
when  you  do  it,  you  are  to  help  one  another  :  but 
plant  no  more  than  is  necessary  for  your  own  use. 
You  must  not  sell  it  to  the  whites.  It  was  not  made 
for  them.  I  made  all  the  trees  of  the  forest  for  your 
use,  but  the  maple  I  love  best,  because  it  yields  sugar 
for  your  little  ones.  You  must  make  it  only  for 
them ;  but  sell  none  to  the  whites.  They  have  an 
other  sugar,  which  was  made  expressly  for  them  ; 
besides,  by  making  too  much,  you  spoil  the  trees  and 
give  them  pain,  by  cutting  and  hacking  them ;  for 
they  have  a  feeling  like  yourselves.  If  you  make 
more  than  is  necessary  for  your  own  use,  you  shall 
die,  and  the  maple  will  yield  no  more  water. 

"  If  a  white  man  is  starving,  you  may  sell  him  a 
little  corn,  or  a  very  little  sugar,  but  it  must  be  by 
measure  and  by  weight. 

"  My  children, — You  are  indebted  to  the  white 
traders,  but  you  must  pay  them  no  more  than  half 
their  credits^  because  they  have  cheated  you.  You  must 
pay  them  in  skins,  gums,  canoes,  &c.  But  not  in  meat, 
corn,  and  sugar.  You  must  not  dress  like  the  ivhites, 
nor  wear  hats  like  them,  but  pluck  out  your  hair,  as 
in  ancient  times,  and  wear  the  feather  of  the  eagle  on 
your  heads.  And  when  the  weather  is  not  severe, 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.      3] 7 

you  must  go  naked,  excepting  the  Breech-cloth.  And 
when  you  are  clothed,  it  must  be  in  skins  or  leather, 
of  your  own  dressing. 

"  My  children, — You  complain  that  the  animals  of 
the  forest  are  fled  and  scattered.  How  should  it  be 
otherwise  ?  You  destroy  them  yourselves,  for  their 
skins  only,  and  leave  their  bodies  to  rot,  or  give  the 
best  pieces  to  the  whites.  I  am  displeased  when  I 
see  this,  and  take  them  back  from  the  earth :  that, 
they  may  not  come  to  see  you  again.  You  must 
kill  no  more  animals,  they  are  necessary  to  feed  and 
clothe  you,  and  you  are  to  keep  but  one  dog :  because 
by  keeping  too  many  you  starve  them. 

"My  children — Your  women  must  not  live  with 
the  Traders  or  other  White  men,  unless  they  are  law 
fully  married.  But  I  do  not  like  even  this  ;  because 
my  White  and  Red  children  were  thus  marked  with 
different  colours,  that  they  might  be  a  separate  peo 
ple." 

Here  follow  certain  regulations  respecting  court 
ship  and  marriage,  &c.,  which  are  too  minutely  de 
tailed  to  be  repeated.  The  Great  Spirit  also  directs 
them  to  bathe  every  morning,  to  wash  away  their 
sins.  Upon  the  observance  of  which  regular  times 
they  are  to  be  pardoned  four  times  for  the  same  of 
fence  ;  such  as  stealing,  getting  drunk,  or  the  like — 
but  the  fifth  time,  says  the  Great  Spirit,  "  you  shall 
surely  die." 

"  Your  wise  men  (or  conjurers)  have  bad  medicine 
in  their  bags.  They  must  throw  away  their  medicine- 


318  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

bags,  and  when  their  medicine  is  in  blossom,  collect 
it  fresh  and  pure.  You  must  make  no  feasts  to  the 
Evil  Spirits  of  the  Earth,  but  only  to  the  Good 
Spirit  of  the  Air.  You  are  no  more  to  dance  the 
Wabano,  nor  the  Poigan  or  Pipe-dance.  I  did  not 
put  you  on  the  Earth  to  dance  these  dances.  But 
you  are  to  dance  naked,  with  your  bodies  painted, 
and  with  the  Poigan  mangum  (war  club)  in  your 
hand.  You  must  all  have  this  weapon  and  never 
leave  it  behind  you.  When  you  dance  this,  I  shall 
always  look  on  with  pleasure.  You  are  to  make 
yourselves  Paka  tonacas  (or  crosses)  which  you  must 
always  carry  with  you,  and  amuse  yourselves  often 
with  that  game  (a  kind  of  bat-ball,  common  among 
the  savages,  which  requires  great  agility).  Your 
women  must  also  have  handsome  Passa  quanacles, 
that  they  may  play  also  :  for  I  made  you  to  amuse 
yourselves,  and  I  am  delighted  when  I  see  you  happy. 
You  are,  however,  never  to  go  to  war  against  each 
other :  but  to  cultivate  peace  between  your  different 
tribes,  that  they  may  become  one  great  people. 

"  My  children, — No  Indian  must  sell  rum  to  an 
Indian.  It  makes  him  rich,  but  when  he  dies,  he  be 
comes  very  wretched.  You  bury  him  with  all  his 
wealth  and  ornaments  about  him,  and  as  he  goes 
along  the  path  of  the  dead,  they  fall  from  him.  He 
stops  to  take  them  up,  and  they  become  dust.  He  at 
last  arrives  almost  at  the  place  of  rest,  and  then 
crumbles  into  dust  himself.  But  those  who,  by  their 
labour,  furnish  themselves  with  necessaries  only. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 

when  they  die,  are  happy.  And  when  they  arrrive 
at  the  land  of  the  dead,  will  find  their  wigwam  fur 
nished  with  every  thing  they  had  on  earth." 

(Thus  far  the  Great  Spirit.)  "  Now  my  chil 
dren,"  said  the  first  created  man,  "listen  to  what  I 
am  about  to  add  :" 

"  The  Great  Spirit  then  opened  a  door,  showing 
me  a  Bear  and  a  Deer,  both  .very  small,  and  very 
lean,  and  said,  i  Look  here,  my  son.  These  are  the 
animals  that  are  now  in  the  Earth.  The  red  people 
have  spoiled  them,  by  killing  them  too  young  and  by 
giving  their  meat  to  the  whites,  and  also  by  greasing 
themselves  with  their  fat,  which  is  very  wrong. 
The  women,  when  they  grease  their  bodies  or  their 
hair,  should  do  it  only  with  the  fat  of  the  smaller 
animals,  of  Racoons,  of  Otters,  of  Snakes,'  &c. 

"  The  Great  Spirit  then  opened  another  door  and 
showed  me  a  Bear  and  a  Deer,  extremely  fat,  and'of 
a  very  extraordinary  size,  saying,  '  Look  here,  my  son. 
Those  are  the  animals  placed  on  the  Earth  when  I 
created  you.'  Now  my  children,  listen  to  what  I  say 
and  let  it  sink  into  your  ears — it  is  the  orders  of  the 
Great  Spirit. 

"  My  children, — You  must  not  speak  of  this  Talk 
to  the  whites.  It  must  be  hidden  from  them.  I  am 
now  on  the  Earth,  sent  by  the  Great  Spirit,  to  instruct 
you.  Each  village  must  send  me  two  or  more  princi 
pal  chiefs  to  represent  you,  that  you  may  be  taught. 
The  Bearer  of  this  Talk,  will  point  out  to  you  the 
path  to  my  wigwam.  I  could  come  to  iheArbre  Croche 
myself,  because  the  world  is  changed  from  what  it 


320  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

was.  It  is  broken  and  leans  down,  and  as  it  declines, 
the  Chippewas  and  all  beyond  will  fall  off  and  die. 
Therefore  you  must  come  to  see  me  and  be  instructed, 
in  order  to  prevent  it.  Their  villages  which  do  not 
listen  to  this  Talk  and  send  me  two  deputies  will  be 
cut  off  from  the  face  of  the  Earth." 

In  a  subsequent  letter  of  Captain  Dunham,  dated 
July  23d,  1807,  he  repeats  his  belief  that  the  savages 
were  combining  with  hostile  intentions  against  the 
Americans.  "  It  seems,"  he  says,  "  a  very  extensive 
league  is  forming,  which  is  to  include  all  the  differ 
ent  tribes  north  of  the  Ohio  and  east  of  the  Missis 
sippi.  They  have  avowed  their  object  to  several  of 
the  most  respectable  traders.  They  complain  much 
of  the  Americans  having  deprived  them  of  their  lands. 
They  say  that  if  they  unite  they  shall  be  strong  ;  that 
they  are  taking  each  other  by  the  hand,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  forming  a  great  circle ;  that  this  circle  is 
nearly  completed,  there  being  now  only  two  or  three 
gaps ;  that  when  these  are  filled,  the  circle  will  ex 
tend  itself  rapidly  and  crowd  off  every  white  man 
that  now  dares  to  set  foot  on  their  ground." — Such 
were  the  communications  received  by  General  Hull 
as  early  as  1806,,  in  respect  to  the  great  confederacy 
under  the  Prophet  and  Tecumseh.  Similar  alarms 
and  rumours  concerning  the  hostility  of  the  Indians 
continued,  up  to  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe  and  the 
breaking  out  of  the  war  in  1812. 

The  cause  of  this  Indian  hostility  was  one  which 
could  not  be  removed.  It  was  their  natural  dread  of 
losing  all  their  hunting  grounds,  by  the  encroachment 
of  the  whites. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   321 

In  a  Council  held  with  General  Harrison  in  1811, 
near  Vincennes,  Tecumseh  declared  that  "  the  sys 
tem  which  the  United  States  pursued,  of  purchasing 
lands  from  the  Indians,  he  viewed  as  a  mighty  water, 
ready  to  overflow  his  people,  and  that  the  confederacy 
which  he  was  forming  among  the  tribes,  to  prevent 
any  tribe  from  selling  land  without  the  consent  of  the 
others,  was  the  dam  he  was  erecting  to  resist  this 
mighty  water  "  In  pursuit  of  this  object,  Tecumseh 
visited  all  the  Indian  tribes,  and  urged  upon  them  this 
plan  of  combination. 

In  addition  to  these  Indian  troubles,  General 
Hull  had  many  more  difficulties,  external  and  inter 
nal,  to  contend  against,  in  the  administration  of  his 
Territory.  In  the  first  place,  the  difficulty  of  com 
munication  was  no  trifling  one.  To  get  from  Albany 
to  Niagara,  in  1805,  with  his  family,  General  Hull 
found  it  was  best  to  go  in  boats  up  Lake  Ontario,  and 
then  to  wait  till  a  vessel  should  be  sailing  from  Buffalo 
to  Detroit,  an  event  which  occurred  only  occasionally. 
The  State  of  New-York,  which  is  now  traversed  from 
east  to  west  in  twenty-four  hours,  by  three  trains  of 
railroad-cars  each  day,  was  then,  in  many  places,  an 
unbroken  forest.  The  ports  on  Lake  Erie,  which  are 
now  visited  many  times  a  day  by  steamers,  bound  up 
and  down  the  lake,  were  then  entered  only  once  in 
many  days  by  a  lonely  vessel.  Northern  Ohio,  filled 
at  present  with  thriving  villages  and  prosperous  cities, 
was  then  a  wilderness.  Again,  when  Governor  Hull 
reached  Detroit,  he  found  that  a  large  part  of  the 
place  had  recently  been  destroyed  by  fire,  and  there 

21 


322  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

was  not  a  house  in  which  he  could  be  properly  ac 
commodated.  He  was  obliged  to  build  himself  a 
house.  There  were  no  public  offices,  no  council-house 
for  the  Indian  Department ;  and  he  even  had  to  write 
to  the  Secretary  at  War  for  a  boat,  with  which  to 
communicate  with  the  distant  Indians.*  The  inhab 
itants  of  the  Territory  wanted  the  titles  to  their  lands 
secured,  and  the  Governor  must  urge  this  matter  at 
Washington.  There  was  no  printing-press  at  Detroit, 
and  the  Governor  must  correspond  with  printers  at 
Herkimer,  to  induce  them  to  come  to  Detroit,  which 
they  apparently  did  not  do,  as  after  this  time  he  sends 
his  public  orders  to  Washington,  to  be  printed  there* 
Laws  were  to  be  made  and  put  in  operation.  A  militia 
system  was  to  be  established,  a  matter  of  no  small  diffi 
culty,  though  of  great  necessity.  Colonel  Anderson, 
of  the  second  regiment  of  militia,  writes  many  letters 
from  the  river  Raisin,  complaining  of  his  officers,  be 
cause  they  will  not  get  their  uniforms.  The  poor 
Colonel  at  last  wishes  to  resign  his  commission,  for 
"  the  French  gentlemen,  headed  by  the  Lieutenant- 
Colonel,  w7ill  not  get  their  uniforms  ;  and  the  troops? 
the  more  I  exercise  them,  the  less  they  learn."  "  Out 
of  twenty  French  gentlemen,  officers,  only  five  that 
have  any  uniform."  Driven  desperate,  the  Colonel, 
on  June  26,  1806,  writes  that  he  has  arrested 
his  officers  ;  and  they  write  to  the  Governor,  demand 
ing  a  court-martial,  "  as  they  wish  to  know  their 
fate." 

While  at  Washington,  in  December,  1805,  Gov- 

*  Hull's  files  of  private  papers. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   323 

ernor  Hull  receives  letters  and  affidavits,  giving  an 
account  of  an  affray  between  the  citizens  of  Detroit 
and  some  British  officers  from  Maiden,  who,  with  the 
assistance  of  some  of  the  American  officers  from  the 
fort,  attempted  to  arrest  a  deserter.  Governor  Hull 
must  write  to  Archbishop  Carrol,  to  request  him  not 
to  remove  from  Detroit  a  useful  and  much-loved 
Catholic  priest.  Mr.  Badger,  a  Presbyterian  minis 
ter,  missionary  to  the  Indians  at  Sandusky,  writes  to 
the  Governor  that  he  can  put  his  finger  through  the 
blankets  sent  to  the  Indians  in  payment  of  their  an 
nuities,  and  that  he  must  send  new  ones. 

Great  difficulties  arise  concerning  the  assignment 
of  donation-lots  to  the  inhabitants  of  Detroit,  and  here 
the  Governor  is  obliged  to  differ  from  Judge  Wood 
ward,  from  which  an  alienation  ensues.  It  is  well 
kno\vn,  that  the  seat  of  a  territorial  government  is 
very  apt  to  be  the  scene  of  constant  contention,  strife, 
and  party-spirit.  The  offices  under  such  a  govern 
ment  are  so  numerous,  in  proportion  to  the  inhabit 
ants,  that  almost  every  body  thinks  he  has  a  claim, 
or  at  least  a  chance,  to  obtain  one.  Money  is  usually 
scarce,  and  this  enhances  the  value  of  an  office,  the 
salary  of  which  is  regularly  paid  in  cash.  But  all 
cannot  have  offices,  and  those  who  are  disappointed, 
become  the  enemies  of  the  more  successful,  or  of 
those  whose  influence  secured  them  the  appointment. 

Governor  Hull  seems  to  have  had  his  share  of 
these  embarrassments,  and  occasionally  friends  were 
turned  into  enemies,  by  his  opposing  their  opinions 


324  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

or  their  interests.  Yet  he  appears'  to  have  been 
popular  with  the  people  generally,  and  when  his  term 
of  office  expired,  was  re-appointed  by  Mr.  Jefferson ; 
a  proof,  at  least,  that  his  proceedings  were  approved 
at  Washington. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   325 


CHAPTER    II. 

WAR   OF  1812. — GOVERNOR    HULL   APPOINTED  BRIGADIER- GENERAL  TO  LEAD 

THE  TROOPS   FROM  OHIO  TO  DETROIT. MARCH  TO  DETROIT. INVASION  OF 

CANADA. — FALL  OF  MICHILIMACKINAC,  AND  SUBSEQUENT  EVENTS. 

IN  February,  1812,  Governor  Hull  being  at  Wash 
ington,  received  accounts  from  the  Territory  of  Mich 
igan,  that  the  Indians  were  becoming  hostile  to  the 
defenceless  inhabitants  of  that  exposed  frontier.*  He 
urged  upon  the  administration  the  expediency  of  pro 
viding  a  force  for  their  protection.  War  with  Great 
Britain  was  imminent :  Congress  was  augmenting 
the  army,  and  messages  had  been  sent  by  the  British 
officers  in  Canada  to  all  the  powerful  tribes  of  the 
Northwest ;  accompanied  with  presents  of  arms  or 
clothing,  urging  them  to  take  part  with  Great  Britain, 
their  natural  ally.  Accordingly,  the  President  called 
upon  the  Governor  of  Ohio  to  detach  twelve  hundred 
militia,  and  prepare  them  for  actual  service.  These 
militia  were  to  be  joined  by  the  4th  United  States 
regiment,  then  at  Post  St.  Vincennes.  After  these 
arrangements  were  made,  the  Secretary  of  War,  Mr. 
Eustis,  stated  to  Governor  Hull,  that  it  was  the 
wish  of  the  President  to  appoint  him  to  the  command 
of  these  troops,  with  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General, 
in  order  that  he  should  march  them  to  Detroit. 

*  Hull's  Memoirs  of  the  Campaign  of  1812,  page  15. 


326  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

Governor  Hull  declined  the  appointment  in  the 
most  unqualified  manner,  stating  that  it  was  not  his 
wish  to  receive  any  military  appointment.  Colonel 
Kingsbury  was  then  ordered  to  Washington,  to  take 
command  of  these  troops,  and  to  receive  his  instruc 
tions  to  that  end.  He  fell  sick  on  his  arrival,  and 
became  thus  unable  to  perform  the  duty.  The  propo 
sition  being  again  made  to  Governor  Hull,  he  finally 
consented  to  accept  any  military  appointment,  either 
that  of  Colonel,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  or  Brigadier- 
General,  which  would  give  him  the  command  of  the 
troops,  and  enable  him  to  lead  them  to  Detroit.  He 
was  immediately  nominated  Brigadier-General,  and 
accepted  the  appointment  with  reluctance,  and  with 
no  other  object,  he  says,  than  to  aid  in  the  protection 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Michigan  against  the  savages.* 
He  was  to  retain  his  office  of  Governor  of  Michigan, 
and  received  orders  to  perform  his  civil  duties  as 
usual. 

In  his  anxiety  for  the  safety  of  the  people  of  the 
Territory,  Governor  Hull  here  committed  an  error? 
which  a  more  selfish  man  would  have  avoided.  The 
people  of  the  United  States  generally  were  expecting 
the  conquest  of  Canada.  It  had  been  stated  repeat 
edly  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  that  in  case  of  war 
with  Great  Britain,  Canada  would  at  once  be  over- 


,:^j*  Hull's  Memoirs   of  the  Cam-  late  Secretary  at  War,  with  his  an- 

paign,  &c.,  page  16.     Also  Hull's  swers,  under  oath."     In  these  an- 

Trial  (reported  by  Col.  Forbes),  Ap-  swers,   Governor   Eustis    confirm?* 

pendix,  page  3.      "  Interrogatories  what  is  stated  in.  the  text* 
put  by  Win.  Hull  to  Wm.  Eustis, 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   327 

run  and  conquered  by  the  armies  of  the  United 
States.*  Governor  Hull  knew  and  had  repeatedly 
represented  to  the  Government  the  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  such  an  enterprise.  The  Lakes  were  in  pos 
session  of  the  British  ;  the  Indians  were  on  their 
side,  and  the  militia  of  Canada  numbered  twenty  to 
one  of  the  militia  of  Michigan.  In  three  separate 
memorials,  addressed  to  the  War  Department  in  April 
1809,  June  1811,  and  March  1812,  he  had  urged 
the  necessity  of  a  fleet  on  Lake  Erie.  Again,  after 
his  appointment  as  Brigadier-General,  he  urged  the 
same  thing  in  a  memorial  to  the  President.  In  a 
conversation  with  the  President  and  Secretary  at  War, 
he  insisted  on  the  same  course  of  conduct  so  strongly, 
that  Commodore  Stewart  was  actually  ordered  to 
Washington,  to  receive  the  appointment  of  Navy 
Agent  on  Lake  Erie,  and  orders  concerning  the  build 
ing  of  a  fleet  on  that  Lake.f 

General  Hull  well  knew,  and  had  earnestly  stated, 
that  to  conquer  Canada,  or  even  to  preserve  Michigan, 


*  Speeches  in  Congress  in  1812  qner  her  on  the  ocean,  is  to  drive 

by  Eustis  and  Henry  Clay.      "  We  her  from  the  land.     I   am   not  for 

can  take  -Canada  without  soldiers,  stopping  at  Quebec  or  any  where 

We  have  only  to  send  officers  into  else,   but  I  would  take  the  whole 

the  Provinces,  and  the  people,  disaf-  continent  from  them  and  ask  them 

fected   toward    their   own  Govern-  no  favours.     We    must    take    the 

ment,  will  rally  round  our  standard."  whole  continent  from  them.     I  wish 

i:It  is  absurd  to  suppose,  that  we  ne\er  to   see    peace    till  we    do." 

shall  not  succeed  in  our  enterprise  Thus  spake  Henry  Clay  in  1812  : 

against     the     enemy's    provinces,  but  better  advised  in  1814,  he  signed, 

We  have  the  Canadas  as  much  un-  as    Commissioner,   the    Treaty    of 

tier  our  command  as  Great  Britain  Peace  at  Ghent. 
bus  the  .ocean,  and  the  way  to  con*        f  Sec  Appendix,  Note  3d. 


328  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

it  was  necessary  either  to  have  command  of  the  Lake? 
by  means  of  a  fleet  superior  to  the  British,  or  to  in 
vade  Upper  Canada  with  two  powerful  and  co-operat 
ing  armies  at  Detroit  and  Niagara.  He  therefore 
believed  that  the  Government,  in  case  of  wrar,  would 
adopt  one  or  both  of  these  measures.  He  did  not  think 
that  he  should  be  expected  to  conquer  Upper  Canada 
with  an  army  of  fifteen  hundred  men,  fotii -fifths  of 
whom  were  militia,  while  the  British  held  the  Lakes 
with  their  ships,  and  the  forests  with  their  Indians. 
He  depended  on  efficient  support  both  by  water  and 
land.  But  while  his  object  \vas  the  protection  of 
Michigan  and  its  inhabitants,  the  object  of  the  Gov 
ernment  and  people  was  the  conquest  of  Canada. 
He  regarded  himself  as  Governor  and  Protector  of 
the  Territory  ;  he  was  regarded  by  the  nation  as  gen 
eral  of  an  invading  army,  which  was  shortly  to  over 
run  the  whole  of  Canada.  A  selfish  man,  therefore,, 
foreseeing  the  impossibility  of  meeting  the  expecta 
tions  of  the  Government  and  people,  would  have  per 
sisted  in  refusing  this  appointment  of  Brigadier-Gen 
eral.  But  hoping  to  protect  the  inhabitants  from 
immediate  Indian  hostilities,  and  confiding  that  the 
Government  would  support  him  in  case  of  war,  he 
accepted  the  appointment,  and  went  to  Dayton,  Ohio^. 
to  take  command  of  the  troops.* 

*  In  the  10th  No.  of  his  Memoirs  of  Ohio,  I  felt  a  very  deep  interest 

of  the  Campaign  of  1812,  General  in  the  object  of  my  mission.     The- 

Hull  thus  speaks  of  his  position  at  consideration  that  I  was  clothed  with 

this   time :   "  In  leaving  Washing-  the   authority    and  furnished    with 

ton,  in  April,  1812,  to  take  command  the  means  of  affording   safety  and 

of  the  forces  assembled  in  the  State  security  to,  the  frontier  injaabitaats. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   329 

On  the  10th  May,  1812,  General  Hull  arrived  at 
Cincinnati,  in  Ohio.  Here  he  met  Governor  Meigs, 
who  had  made  great  exertions  in  collecting  the 


of  the  country ;  and  particularly  to 
those  of  the  Territory  of  Michigan, 
of  which  I  was  Governor,  was 
soothing  to  my  feelings  and  animat 
ing  to  my  exertions.  Although 
about  thirty  years  had  then  elapsed 
since  my  sword  had  lain  useless  in 
its  scabbard,  and  time  had  necessari 
ly  enfeebled  my  strength  and  con 
stitution,  yet  it  was  impossible  for 
me  to  see  a  country  in  which  from 
my  situation,  I  was  so  particularly 
interested,  exposed  to  the  fury  of 
the  savages  without  raising  an  arm 
for  its  safety.  Convinced  that  the 
forces  intrusted  to  my  command 
were  sufficient  for  the  protection  of 
the  frontier  settlements  and  the  se 
curity  of  the  Territory  while  we 
were  at  peace  with  Great  Britain ; 
and  knowing  that  I  had  communi 
cated  what  measures,  in  my  opinion, 
would  be  indispensably  necessary, 
in  the  event  of  war,  which  communi 
cations  had  been  received  as  official 
documents  and  approved  by  the 
Government,  and  feeling  a  generous 
confidence  in  the  justice  and  honour 
of  the  administration,  I  had  little 
anxiety  with  respect  to  any  conse 
quences  which  might  have  attended 
my  command. 

"  If  it  were  to  be  my  fortune  to 
protect  the  defenceless  inhabitants  of 
our  country,  against  the  cruelty  of 
savages,  and  prosperity  was  to  at 


tend  the  exertions  of  the  army,  the 
satisfaction  of  having  promoted  the 
cause  of  humanity  would  have  been 
an  ample  reward.  But  if,  after  hon 
estly  discharging  my  duty,  in  the 
best  manner  I  was  capable,  misfor 
tune  was  to  be  my  lot,  I  believed 
that  a  generous  government  and  a 
generous  people  would  at  least  have 
shielded  me  from  censure  and  re 
proach.  At  that  time,  indeed,  I  con 
sidered  there  was  little  or  no  hazard. 
It  was  a  time  of  peace  with  Eng 
land,  and  while  that  remained,  there 
was  no  danger,  excepting  from  the 
savages.  Some  excitement  then 
existed,  through  the  influence  of  the 
British  Agents,  in  preparing  them 
for  events  which  they  anticipated 
might  take  place.  In  the  event  of 
war,  I  considered  that  such  arrange 
ments  would  have  been  made,  as 
would  have  enabled  the  army  I  com 
manded  to  have  operated  with  suc 
cess  against  the  enemy.  As  the 
Government  continued  me  in  com 
mand  of  the  Northwestern  army 
after  the  declaration  of  war,  I  had  a 
right  to  believe,  that  such  measures 
would  have  been  adopted,  as  I  had 
stated  W7ere  deemed  by  me  essential 
to  success.  The  measures  to  which 
I  alluded  in  the  event  of  war,  I  have 
mentioned,  were  a  navy  on  Lake 
Erie,  sufficient  to  preserve  that  com 
munication;  and  an  army  of  suffi- 


330  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

twelve  hundred  militia  which  had  been  ordered  by 
the  President.  Their  rendezvous  was  Dayton.  Al 
though  officers  and  men  seemed  to  be  animated  with 
zeal,  yet  they  were  without  discipline,  and  destitute  of 
proper  arms  and  clothing.*  The  three  militia  regiments 
elected  their  field  officers  at  Dayton.  Duncan  Me  Ar 
thur  was  chosen  Colonel,  and  James  Denny  and  Wil 
liam  A.  Trimble  Majors,  of  the  first  regiment ;  James 
Findlay,  Colonel,  and  Thomas  Moore  and  Thomas 
Van  Home  Majors,  of  the  second  regiment ;  Lewis 
Cass,  Colonel,  and  Robert  Morrison  and  J.  R.  Mun- 
son  Majors,  of  the  third  regiment. 

On  May  25th,  General  Hull  was  invested  with 
the  command  of  the  militia,  and  made  them  an  ad 
dress.  On  the  first  of  June,  the  army  marched  to 
Staunton  ;  on  the  10th,  they  were  joined,  at  Urbana, 

cient  strength  in  co-operation  with  to  furnish  clothing ;  no  public  stores 

the  one  I  commanded,  to  make  a  to  resort  to,  either  for  good  arms  or 

conquest  of  Canada.  suitable  clothing ;  and  no  powder  in 

"  In  all  these  communications,  I  any  of  the  magazines  fit  for  use. 

gave  it  as  my  opinion,  that  unless  And  what  is  more  extraordinary,  no 

we  had  the  benefit  of  this  co-opera-  contract,  nor  any  measures  adopted, 

tion,  the  posts  of  Detroit,  Michili-  to  supply  these  troops  with  the  ne- 

mackinac,  and  Chicago,  would  inev-  cessary  articles  of  provisions  during 

itably  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  their  march  through  a  wilderness  of 

enemy."  more  than  two  hundred  miles,  until 

*  "  Their  arms  were  totally  unfit  they  arrived  at  Detroit.  On  my  own 

for  use,  the  leather  which  covered  responsibility,  I  sent  to  powder-mills 

their  cartouch  boxes  was  rotten,  and  in  Kentucky  and  purchased  powder, 

no  better  security  to  the  cartridges  collected  a  few  blankets  and  other 

than  brown  paper ;  many  of  the  necessary  clothing  from  the  inhabit- 

men  were  destitute  of  blankets  and  ants  of  Ohio,  and  employed  private 

other  necessary  clothing ;  no  ar-  armorers  at  Cincinnati  and  Dayton, 

tnorers  were  provided  to  repair  the  to  repair  the  arms." — Hull's  Me- 

arms ;  ao  means  had  been  adopted  moirs,  page  34, 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       33  J 

by  the  fourth  United  States  regiment,  under  Lieuten 
ant-Colonel  Miller,  consisting  of  about  three  hundred 
effective  men.  From  this  place,  which  was  then  a 
frontier  town,  the  distance  to  Detroit  was  more  than 
two  hundred  miles,  through  a  wilderness.  Here  the 
want  of  discipline  of  the  militia  appeared,  in  some  of 
them  refusing  to  march,  and  other  signs  of  insubordi 
nation.*  In  marching  from  Urbana  to  Detroit,  a  road 
was  to  be  cut  by  the  army,  through  the  forest.  The 
difficulties  and  labours  were  great,  of  opening  a  road, 
building  bridges  and  causeways  ;  but  were  borne  with 
patience  by  the  army.  Four  block-houses  were  built 
on  the  route,  for  the  convenience  of  reinforcements, 
and  security  of  convoys.  The  army  marched  first  to 
the  Scioto;  then  to  Blanchard's  Fork,  which  is  a 
branch  of  the  Maumee ;  then  to  the  Rapids  of  the 

*  The    Ohio    Volunteers    were  the  troops  left  Urbana,  Captain  Hull 

militia  just  called  into  the  field,  and  came  to  Colonel  Miller  in  his  official 

were    deficient   in  discipline,    and  capacity  and  informed  him  that  there 

some    of    them    were     frequently  was   another    mutiny    among    the 

disorderly.       "  Generally   speaking  Ohio  Volunteers,  and  wished  a  halt 

the    Ohio    Volunteers   and   Militia  to  take  place.     After  a  short  halt, 

were  insubordinate :  one  evening  at  General  Hull  rode  up  and  said  to 

Urbana,    I    saw   a   multitude,  and  Colonel  Miller,  '  Your  regiment  is 

heard  a  noise,  and  was  informed  that  a  powerful  argument ;  without  them 

a  company  of  Ohio  Volunteers  were  I  could  not  march  these  men  to  De« 

riding  one  of  their  officers  on  a  rail,  troit.'      One  soldier  was  shot  in  a 

In  saying  that  the  Ohio  Volunteers  quarrel.     There    were    companies 

were  insubordinate,  witness  means  among  them  who  were  under  better 

that  they  were  only  as  much  so  as  discipline  than  others." — Lieutenant 

undisciplined  militia  generally  are.  Bacon's  testimony  (4th  Regiment). 

Some   thirty  or  forty  of  the  Ohio  Minutes  of  the  Court  Martial  for  the 

militia  refused  to  cross  into  Canada  Trial  of  General  Hull,  from  the  files 

at  one  time,  and  thinks  he  saw  one  of  the  War  Office,  Washington.  Seo 

hundred  who  refused  to  cross  when  also  Forbes'   Report  of  the  Court 

the  troops  were  at  Urbana.     When  Martial,  page  124, 


332 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


Maumee,  which  was  reached  about  the  end  of  June.* 
War  was  declared  on  the  18th  of  June  ;  but  General 
Hull  received  no  information  of  it  until  July  2d,  four 
teen  days  after,  though  the  British  officer  at  Maiden 
had  heard  of  it,  officially,  two  days  before. f  In  con 
sequence  of  this  delay  in  transmitting  to  him  this 
most  important  intelligence,  a  vessel  was  taken,  on 
which  he  had  shipped  important  baggage,  stores,  and 
the  invalids  of  the  army.  General  Hull  gives  the  fol 
lowing  account  of  this  transaction : 


*  McAffee's  History  of  the  late 
War.  Hull's  Memoirs. 

f  "Armstrong's  Notices  of  the 
War  of  1812."  General  Arm 
strong,  late  Secretary  of  War,  an 
opponent  of  General  Hull,  thus 
speaks  of  this  transaction,  page 
47-8.  "  We  have  seen  that  Gene 
ral  Hull  lost  his  own  baggage  and 
that  of  the  army,  the  whole  of  his 
hospital  stores  and  intrenching 
tools,  and  sixty  men,  in  consequence 
of  the  ill-judged  and  tardy  manner 
employed  in  transmitting  to  him  the 
declaration  of  war.  A  fact  so  ex 
traordinary  in  itself  and  so  produc 
tive  of  injury  to  the  public,  calls  for 
more  development  than  has  yet  been 
given  to  it.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  a  declaration  of  war  was  au 
thorized  on  the  18th  June,  1812. 
On  this  day  Secretary  Eustis  wrote 
two  letters  to  General  Hull.  In  one 
of  these  no  mention  was  made  of 
this  important  event;  in  the  other, 
it  was  distinctly  and  officially  an 
nounced.  The  former  of  the  two, 
was  carefully  made  up  and  expedited 


by  a  special  messenger,  who  arrived 
in  the  General's  camp  on  the  24th 
of  June :  while  the  latter  was  com 
mitted  to  the  public  mail  as  far  as 
Cleveland,  and  thence  through  a 
wilderness  of  one  hundred  miles,  to 
such  conveyance  as '  accident  might 
supply. ,' 

"  The  result  was,  that  the  declara 
tion  did  not  reach  its  destination  un 
til  the  2d  of  July,  two  days  after  it 
had  been  received  by  the  enemy  at 
Maiden.  On  this  occasion,  the 
British  Government  was  better 
served :  Provost  received  notice  of 
it  on  the  24th  of  June,  at  Quebec  ; 
Brock  on  the  26th,  at  Newark ;  St. 
George  on  the  30th,  at  Maiden; 
and  Roberts  on  the  8th  of  July,  at 
St.  Joseph's.  But  a  fact  still  more 
extraordinary  than  the  celerity  of 
these  transmissions  is,  that  the  infor 
mation  thus  rapidly  forwarded  to 
Maiden  and  St.  Joseph's,  was  receiv 
ed,  under  envelopes,  franked  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  American 
Treasury." 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       333 

"  On  the  2d  day  of  July  I  received  a  letter  from 
the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  the  18th  of  June,  inform 
ing  me  of  the  declaration  of  war.  It  was  in  these 
words : 

"  *  Sir, — War  is  declared  against  Great  Britain. 
You  will  be  on  your  guard;  proceed  to  your  post  with 
all  possible  expedition  ;  make  such  arrangements  for 
the  defence  of  the  country  as  in  your  judgment  may 
be  necessary,  and  wait  for  further  orders.' 

"  The  day  before  this  letter  was  received,  the 
Quarter-Master  had  been  directed  to  hire  a  small 
vessel,  at  the  foot  of  the  Rapids  of  the  Miami,  to 
transport  the  invalids  and  the  baggage,  &c.,  not  want 
ed  on  the  march  to  Detroit.  The  horses  being  worn 
down  on  the  march,  rendered  this  measure,  in  my 
opinion,  expedient.  At  this  time  I  had  received 
no  information  of  the  declaration  of  war,  and  did  not 
consider  there  was  any  hazard  in  the  measure.  On 
the  24th  of  June  I  received  a  letter  from  the  War 
Department,  dated  in  the  morning  of  the  18th  of 
June,  directing  me  to  march  to  Detroit,  with  all  pos 
sible  expedition.  In  that  letter,  not  one  word  wras 
said  respecting  a  declaration  of  war. 

"  The  British  garrison  at  Maiden  having  a  num 
ber  of  days  before  received  the  information,  this  ves 
sel  was  taken  in  passing  that  fortress.  The  court- 
martial  could  not  find  any  ground  to  censure  me  for 
employing  that  vessel,  as  I  had  no  information  of  the 
declaration  of  war,  and  was  obliged  to  acquit  me  of 
the  charge  growing  out  of  that  event.  The  circum 
stances  of  this  transaction  are  particularly  related  in 


334  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

my  defence.  Thus  it  appears,  that  I  did  not  receive 
information  of  the  war,  until  fourteen  days  after  it 
was  declared  ;  that  the  British  garrison  had  official 
knowledge  of  it  four  or  five  days  sooner  ;  that  it  is 
proved  to  demonstration,  that  I  might  have  received 
it  eight  days  earlier,  as  I  actually  did  receive  a  letter 
from  the  Secretary  of  War,  on  the  24th  of  June, 
dated  on  the  same  day,  viz.  the  18th  of  June,  in  the 
morning,  which  gave  no  information  of  the  declara 
tion  of  war.  The  person  who  brought  me  this  letter, 
announcing  the  war,  informed  me  he  was  employed 
by  the  Postmaster  of  Cleveland,  in  the  State  of  Ohio, 
and  that  it  was  brought  in  the  mail  to  that  office.  In 
time  of  peace  with  England,  there  could  have  been 
but  one  opinion,  with  respect  to  engaging  this  vessel, 
in  the  manner  it  was  employed.  Having  no  inform 
ation  of  the  declaration  of  war,  I  must  necessarily 
have  believed  it  was  a  time  of  peace,  and  consequent 
ly  no  blame  could  be  attached  to  me.  The  following 
is  the  opinion  of  the  court-martial  on  this  subject: 

"  *  The  evidence  on  the  subject  having  been  pub 
licly  given,  the  Court  deem  it  proper,  in  justice  to  the 
accused,  to  say,  that  they  do  not  believe,  from  any 
thing  which  has  appeared,  that  Brigadier-General 
William  Hull  has  committed  treason  against  the  Uni 
ted  States.'" 

On  July  5th,  the  army  under  General  Hull  ar 
rived  at  Detroit.  A  few  days  were  then  occupied  in 
cleaning  and  repairing  arms,  and  in  giving  the  sol 
diers  rest  from  the  fatigues  of  the  laborious  march. 
The  enemy  were  then  erecting  fortifications  on  the 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   335 

opposite  bank,  and  an  impatience  prevailed  among 
the  officers  and  men  of  the  American  army,  to  cross 
the  river,  and  commence  offensive  operations.  Gene 
ral  Hull  called  a  council  of  the  field  officers,  and  in 
formed  them  that  he  had  as  yet  received  no  authority 
to  invade  Canada,  and  requested  them  to  restrain  the 
impatience  of  their  men.  After  this  council  was  dis 
missed,  on  July  9th,  the  following  letter  was  received 
from  Washington  : 

"WAR  DEPARTMENT,  June  24th,  1812. 

"  SIR, — By  my  letter  of  the  18th  instant,  you 
were  informed  that  war  was  declared  against  Great 
Britain.  Herewith,  enclosed,  you  will  receive  a 
copy  of  the  Act,  and  of  the  President's  Proclamation, 
and  you  are  authorized  to  commence  offensive  opera 
tions  accordingly.  Should  the  force  under  your  com 
mand  be  equal  to  the  enterprise,  consistent  with  the 
safety  of  your  own  posts,  you  will  take  possession  of 
Maiden,  and  extend  your  conquests  as  circumstances 
may  justify. 

(Signed)  WILLIAM  EUSTIS." 

On  the  same  evening  that  this  letter  was  received, 
the  following  answer  was  given : 

"DETROIT,  July  9th,  1812. 

"  SIR, — -I  have  received  your  letter  of  24th  June. 
The  araiy  under  my  command  arrived  here  on  the  5th 
of  July,  instant.  Every  effort  has  been,  and  is  still 
making  by  the  British,  to  collect  the  Indians  under 
their  standard.  They  have  a  large  number.  I  am 


336  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

preparing  boats,  and  shall  pass  the  river  in  a  few 
days.  The  British  have  established  a  post  directly 
opposite  this  place.  I  have  confidence  in  dislodging 
him,  and  being  in  possession  of  the  opposite  bank.  I 
have  little  time  to  write :  every  thing  will  be  done 
that  it  is  possible  to  do.  The  British  command  the 
water  and  the  savages.  I  do  not  think  the  force  here 
equal  to  the  reduction  of  Amherstburg  (meaning  the 
fort  at  Maiden),  you  therefore  must  not  be  too  san 
guine. 

(Signed)  WILLIAM  HULL." 

Hon.  WM.  EUSTIS. 

In  consequence  of  this  communication,  General 
Hull  crossed  into  Canada,  July  12th,  as  soon  as  boats 
could  be  collected  for  that  object,  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  deceive  the  enemy,  and  cause  him  to  withdraw 
his  forces,  so  that  the  American  troops  landed  without 
opposition. 

The  reasons  for  invading  Canada  were,  first,  the 
expectations  and  orders  of  the  Government,  for  the 
phrase  "you  are  authorized  to  commence  offensive 
operations,"  contained  in  the  Secretary's  letter,  was 
equivalent  to  an  order.  Secondly,  the  enemy  was  erect 
ing  fortifications  on  the  bank  opposite  Detroit,  w  hich, 
being  higher  than  the  American  side,  would  have  se 
riously  annoyed  the  army  and  town,  when  complet 
ed.  Thirdly,  the  impatient  spirit  of  the  army  made  it 
desirable  to  give  them  active  employment.  Fourthly, 
it  seemed  likely  that  the  Canadians  and  Indians 
would  be  kept  neutral,  and  prevented  from  joining 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   337 

the  British  standard,  by  a  display  of  American  force 
on  both  banks  of  the  river.  Fifthly,  it  was  desirable 
to  obtain  forage  and  provisions  from  the  river  Thames, 
and  cut  off  the  supplies  from  that  region  to  Maiden. 
The  provisions  in  Detroit  and  Michigan  were  not 
sufficient  for  the  inhabitants  and  army  ;  and  had  it  not 
been  for  supplies  obtained  in  Canada,  would  have 
fallen  short  before  the  capitulation.* 

General  Hull,  as  is  well  known,  issued  a  procla 
mation  to  the  Canadians  upon  entering  their  country. 
In  it  he  declared,  that  he  came  to  bring  no  injury  to 
the  peaceable  and  unoffending  inhabitants,  but  offered 
them  protection,  peace,  and  security.  He  tells  them 
to  remain  at  their  homes,  and  pursue  their  occupa 
tions.  He  tells  them  he  does  not  ask  nor  need  their 
aid,  but  will  accept  it  if  they  tender  their  services  vol 
untarily.  He  threatens  them  with  retaliation,  if  they 
adopt  the  Indian  mode  of  warfare,  and  fight  by  the 
side  of  savages,  who  scalp  and  tomahawk  their  pris 
oners. 

There  are  some  curious  circumstances  connected 
with  this  proclamation.  It  has  been  praised  as  a 
spirited  and  strong  paper,  and  condemned  as  pom 
pous  and  improper.  After  General  HulVs  death,  the 
authorship  of  it  was  claimed  for  General  Cass,  then 
a  Colonel  of  militia.  Up  to  that  time,  that  is,  for 
fifteen  years,  no  one  even  suggested,  that  it  was  writ 
ten  by  any  other  than  General  Hull  himself.  Gene 
ral  Hull's  family,  in  all  that  they  had  heard  and  read 

*  Hull's  Memoirs,  page  44. 

22 


338  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

about  the  proclamation,  had  never  before  received  the 
suggestion  that  General  Cass  was  the  author.  As 
the  matter  now  stands,  whenever  the  proclamation  is 
condemned,  General  Hull  is  treated  as  the  author — 
when  it  is  praised,  it  is  said  to  have  been  written  by 
General  Cass.*  This  proclamation  was  approved 
by  the  President  in  a  letter  to  General  Hull,  from 
the  War  Department,  of  August  lst,f  and  was  de 
clared  by  the  American  Commissioners  at  the  Treaty 
of  Ghent,  to  have  been  unauthorized  and  disapprov 
ed  by  the  Government. f  General  Hull  has  been 

*  " —  heralded  by  pompous  and    habitants,  which  I  hope  will  be  ap- 
threatening  Proclamation. — "  HulTs    proved  by  the  Government.' 
vapouring    Proclamation" — Inger-        "  Answer : 

soil's  History  of  the  War.  "  <  War  Department,  August  1,  1812. 

"Here  he  issued  his  Proclamation,  "'Sir — Your  letters  of  13th  and 

which  was  an  impressive  and  ener-  14th,  together  with  your  Proclama- 

getic  paper" — "this  bold  and  elo-  tion,   have   been    received.      Your 

quent  document  was  from  the  pen  of  operations  are  approved  by  the  Pres- 

Governor     Cass" — Lanman's    Mi-  ident.'  " 

chigan.  \  As    regards    that   part  of  the 

Mr.  Tupper,  the  author  of  the  Proclamation  which  promises  pro- 
"Life  of  Brock,"  (published  Lon-  tection  to  the  Canadians,  General 
don,  1845.)  considers  it  able,  and  as-  Hull  thus  speaks  ("Hull's  Me- 
signs  its  authorship  to  some  one  at  moirs,"  pp.  47,  48)  :  "Before  I  pro- 
Washington,  which  is  of  course  an  ceed  to  any  particular  explanations, 
impossibility.  "  General  Hull  is-  I  ask  you  to  bear  in  mind  the  situa- 
sued  the  following  insidious  but  able  tion  in  which  I  was  placed  by  the 
Proclamation,  which  was  doubtless  orders  of  the  Government.  I  was 
written  at  Washington."  in  an  enemy's  country,  with  the 

f  Hull's  Memoirs,  page  49. — "  On  command  of  a  small  body  of  militia 

the  13th  of  July,  the  day  after  it  and  a  few   regulars,  nearly  three 

(the  Proclamation)  was  published,  hundred  miles  from  any  magazines 

a  copy  of  it  was  sent  to  the  Govern-  of  provisions,  munitions  of  war,  or 

ment.     The  paragraph  of  the  letter  reinforcements.     The  enemy  with 

is  in  these  words  :    '  Enclosed  is  a  which  I  had  to  contend,  was  all  the 

copy  of  a  Proclamation  to  the  in-  British  troops  in  Upper  Canada,  all 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   339 


condemned  for  that  part  of  the  proclamation  which 
declares  that  no  quarter  would  be  given  to  those  who 
should  be  found  fighting  by  the  side  of  the  Indians, 


the  militia  of  that  Province,  and  the 
Northern  and  Western  Indians,  both 
in  the  Territory  of  Canada  and  the 
United  States,  together  with  the 
strength  and  resources  of  the 
wealthy  and  powerful  Northwest 
Company.  Placed  in  this  insulated 
situation,  with  but  a  small  stock  of 
provisions  on  hand,  and  no  possibil 
ity  of  obtaining  a  further  supply,  as 
the  Lake  was  commanded  by  a  Bri 
tish  naval  squadron,  and  the  only 
communication  by  land,  a  wilder 
ness  of  more  than  two  hundred 
miles,  filled  with  hostile  savages,  I 
saw  no  possibility  of  even  sustaining 
iny  situation,  unless  the  militia  could 
be  prevented  from  taking  a  part  in 
the  war  and  joining  the  British 
standard. 

"  A  large  portion  of  the  people 
of  that  province  had  emigrated  from 
the  United  States.  They  had  been 
educated  with  the  principles  of  free 
dom  and  independence;  and  some 
of  them  and  many  of  their  fathers, 
had  fought  and  bled  in  defence  of  our 
Revolutionary  contest  They  were 
situated  more  than  three  thousand 
miles  from  the  country  to  which 
they  were  subjected,  and  had  no 
participation  or  interest  in  the  mea 
sures  it  adopted.  Having  for  a 
number  of  years  lived  in  their  neigh 
bourhood,  I  had  often  heard  them 
express  their  sense  of  the  injustice 
they  suffered,  and  their  natural 


right  and  strong  wishes  to  partici 
pate  in  the  same  freedom  and  inde 
pendence  which  their  brethren  of 
the  United  States  enjoyed,  and  under 
which  they  were  so  prosperous  and 
happy.  They  were  informed  that 
the  force  I  had,  was  but  the  vanguard 
of  a  much  greater.  I  considered 
that  I  had  solid  grounds  to  make 
this  declaration, 

"  In  the  first  place,  it  will  be  seen 
that  I  was  authorized  to  pledge  the 
faith  of  the  Government,  that  they 
should  be  protected  in  their  persons, 
property,  and  rights.  Could  I  have 
believed  that  the  Government  would 
have  authorized  me  to  make  this 
pledge  without  furnishing  the  means 
of  redeeming  it  ?  I  beg  you,  my 
fellow-citizens,  to  look  back  and 
consider  what  took  place  before  1 
left  Washington,  on  this  subject. 
In  my  official  communications  to 
the  Government,  I  stated  that  in  the 
event  of  war  with  Great  Britain,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  command  the 
waters  of  Lake  Erie,  by  a  naval 
force  superior  to  that  of  the  enemy ; 
to  provide  reinforcements  to  secure 
the  communication  through  the 
wilderness  I  was  to  penetrate,  and 
a  powerful  army  to  co-operate  from 
the  States  of  New-York  and  Penn 
sylvania,  which  border  on  the  east 
part  of  the  lake ;  that  without  these 
measures,  it  would  be  impossible 
for  me  to  sustain  my  situation ;  and 


340  HISTORY  01  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

and  announces  to  those  who  practice  the  Indian 
mode  of  warfare,  of  killing  women,  children,  and 
prisoners,  that  a  system  of  retaliation  will  be  pursued. 
But  how  can  General  Hull  be  condemned  for  this, 
when  it  is  well  known  that  the  Governments,  both 
of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  adopted,  in 
this  very  war,  the  same  principle  of  retaliation,  and 
threatened  to  put  to  death,  in  cold  blood,  prisoners 
innocent  of  any  crime.  If  it  be  justifiable,  on  prin 
ciples  of  civilized  war,  to  hang  prisoners  taken  in  a 
fair  field,  for  offences  committed  afterwards  by  their 
own  government,  it  surely  must  be  allowable,  on  the 
same  principles,  to  warn  those  who  have  not  yet  en 
listed,  that  if  they  shall  be  taken  fighting  in  company 
with  those  who  give  no  quarter,  no  quarter  will  be 
extended  to  themselves.  On  Christian  principles, 
both  proceedings  are  wrong,  but  those  who  defend 
the  conduct  of  their  respective  governments  in  the  one 
case,  show  either  hypocrisy  or  extreme  prejudice,  in 
condemning  the  declaration  of  General  Hull  in  the 
other. 

This  proclamation,  therefore,  has  had  the  singular 
fate  of  being  approved  by  the  Government  when  first 
issued,  and  disavowed  by  the  same  Government  at 
the  close  of  the  war, — of  being  considered  a  vapour 
ing  and  weak  paper,  when  ascribed  to  General  Hull, 
but  becoming  an  able  and  bold  document,  when  as- 


the  posts  of  Detroit,  Michilimacki-  be  satisfied  there  were    sufficient 

nac,  and  Chicago,  would  fall  into  grounds  on  my  part  for  making  this 

the  possession  of  the  enemy.     I  declaration." 
hope,  and  indeed  believe,  you  will 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   34] 

cribed  to  the  Government,  or  to  General  Cass ;  and, 
finally,  of  confusing  military  ethics  so  far  as  to  make 
it  cruel  and  unjust  to  threaten  retaliation  as  a  punish 
ment  for  acts  which  may  be  performed  by  individuals 
themselves,  which  it  is  just  and  merciful  to  threaten, 
and  partially  execute  against  them,  for  the  actions  of 
their  Government,  with  which  they  have  nothing  to 
do. 

General  Hull  having  crossed  into  Canada  (July 
12th),  immediately  proceeded  to  fortify  his  camp  with 
a  breast-work ;  despatched  a  reconnoitering  party 
under  Captain  Ulry,  towards  Maiden,  who  brought 
back  word,  that  there  were  many  Indians  in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  detached  Colonel  Me  Arthur  to 
pursue  the  Indians  (July  14th),  and  to  go  to  the 
river  Thames  or  French  for  provisions.  He  returned 
on  the  17th,  with  two  hundred  barrels  of  flour,  and 
military  stores,  having  penetrated  sixty  miles.  Mean 
time,  on  July  16th,  Colonels  Cass  and  Miller  were 
detached  with  two  hundred  and  eighty  men  towards 
Maiden,  and  took  possession  of  the  bridge  over  the 
Aux  Canards  ;  the  British  picket-guard  flying  at 
their  approach.  Thinking  it  desirable  to  retain  this 
bridge,  they  sent  a  message  to  General  Hull,  asking 
permission  to  do  so.  But  General  Hull  was  not  yet 
prepared  to  attack  Maiden,  for  want  of  cannon,  and 
considered  that  the  distance  of  the  bridge  from  the 
camp,  and  its  proximity  to  Maiden,  rendered  it  too 
great  an  undertaking  to  be  maintained  by  a  small  de- 
achment.  Colonel  Cass  therefore  returned  to  camp. 

The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army  being  impa- 


342  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

tient  to  be  led  to  the  attack  of  Maiden,  General  Hull 
called  a  council  of  officers,  and  explained  to  them 
his  reasons  for  postponing  an  attack.  This  council 
was  held  two  days  after  the  invasion  of  the  enemy's 
territory.  General  Hull  explained  to  them,  that  the 
Indians  and  Canadian  militia  had  begun  to  desert, 
and  that  by  waiting  a  little  time,  the  force  at  Maiden 
might  be  materially  weakened  ;  that  at  present  he 
considered  that  fort  too  strong  to  be  carried  by  his 
own  force,  especially  until  heavy  artillery  could  be 
procured  for  making  a  breach  in  the  defences  ;  and 
that  all  the  artificers  who  could  be  procured,  were 
then  at  work  in  mounting  cannon.  Nevertheless,, 
he  informed  the  council,  that  as  there  was  so  much 
anxiety  expressed  for  the  attack  on  Maiden,  he  was 
willing  to  lead  the  army  to  storm  the  fort  with  the 
bayonet,  provided  they  should  advise  this  step,  and 
were  of  opinion  that  their  troops  could  be  depended 
upon. 

Colonel  Miller  said  that  his  regiment  of  regulars 
could  be  relied  on,  but  the  three  militia  colonels  very 
wisely  declined  giving  any  such  assurance  for  the 
soldiers  under  their  command  ;  and  a  majority  of  the 
council,  therefore,  decided  against  an  immediate  at 
tack  on  Maiden. 

Meantime,  events  were  occurring  which  threat 
ened  to  make  the  position  of  the  American  army  a 
very  dangerous  one.  These  were,  first,  the  fall  of 
Mackinaw,  or  Michilimackinac  ;  second,  the  inter 
ruption  of  General  Hull's  communications  with  Ohio; 
third,  the  armistice,  signed  by  General  Dearborn  and 
Sir  George  Prevost. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   343 

First. — The  British  officers  in  Canada  had,  as  we 
have  seen,  early  intelligence  of  the  declaration  of 
war.  Sir  George  Prevost  heard  of  it  at  Quebec  on 
June  25th,  and  it  was  known  on  the  24th,  both  at 
Montreal  and  Fort  George,  in  Upper  Canada. 

While  General  Brock,  the  Governor  of  Upper 
Canada,  was  thus  made  acquainted  with  the  war  in 
six  days  after  it  was  declared,  General  Hull  did  not 
receive  this  information  till  the  2d  of  July,  or  fourteen 
days  after  the  declaration.  The  news  was  imme 
diately  communicated  to  the  British  officer  posted  at 
St.  Joseph's,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Michilimacki- 
nac,  and  at  Fort  William,  on  Lake  Superior.  On 
the  16th  of  July,  Captain  Roberts  set  out  with  a 
flotilla  of  boats  and  canoes,  containing  45  men  of  the 
Royal  10th,  180  Canadians,  and  400  Indians,  and 
landed  next  day  at  Michilimackinac,  which  fort,  com 
manded  by  Lieutenant  Hanks,  with  a  garrison  of  only 
61  officers  and  men,  immediately  surrendered  by  capit 
ulation.  The  Indians  were  encouraged  by  this  event 
to  unite  in  open  hostility  against  the  Americans,  and 
the  way  was  opened  for  the  whole  body  of  northern 
Indians,  and  all  the  forces  of  the  British  Northwest 
Company,  to  march  upon  Detroit.*  The  character 
and  amount  of  this  force  will  appear  more  particu 
larly  from  the  following  extracts  from  General  Hull's 
Memoirs,  pp.  58,  59,  60: 


*  "  A  quantity  of  military  stores  dians,  a    large   number    of   whom 

and  700  packs  of  furs  were  found  now  joined  in  open  hostility  to  the 

in  the  fort,  and  its  surrender  had  a  Americans." — Life  ,ojf  Block,  page 

farcmjable  effect  upon  the  IB-  207, 


344  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

"  Information  had  now  been  received  that  the 
fortress  at  Michilimackinac,  situated  on  the  navigable 
waters  above  me,  and  which  the  enemy  commanded, 
had  fallen  into  the  possession  of  the. British  and  savage 
forces  which  surrounded  it.  The  news  of  this  event 
was  accompanied  with  information  which  cast  a 
shade  over  my  prospects,  and  greatly  encouraged  and 
strengthened  the  force  of  the  enemy  opposed  to  me. 

"  Immediately  after  the  fall  of  Michilimackinac, 
messages  \vere  sent  by  the  Indian  chiefs,  who  attend 
ed  the  British  troops  in  the  reduction  of  that  place, 
and  who  inhabited  the  adjacent  country,  to  all  the 
villages  south,  as  far  as  Miami,  informing  them  that 
they  had  joined  the  British  standard ;  that  Michili 
mackinac  had  fallen  into  their  hands  ;  that  Chicago  was 
invested,  and  that  they  were  all  preparing  to  proceed 
to  Maiden  ;  that  they  expected  there  to  meet  all  their 
warriors,  and  assist  in  the  reduction  of  Detroit ;  that 
an  express  had  likewise  been  sent  to  General  Brock, 
informing  him  of  the  event,  and  that  the  Canadians 
and  savages  were  coming  to  join  the  army  at  Maiden. 
About  the. same  time,  viz.  4th  August,  I  received  in 
formation  that  Captain  Chambers,  of  the  British 
army,  with  a  detachment  of  regular  soldiers,  and  brass 
field  pieces,  had  landed  on  the  west  part  of  Lake 
Ontario,  had  penetrated  as  far  as  the  river  Le  French, 
and  was  collecting  all  the  Canadian  militia  and  sava 
ges  of  that  part  of  Canada,  to  lead  them  against  my 
army.  At  this  time  I  likewise  received  information 
that  Colonel  Proctor,  of  the  British  army,  had  arrived 
Jrom  Fort  Erie  by  water,  with  reinforcements,  at  Mai- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   345 

den.  As  their  reinforcements  were  guarded  by  an 
armed  vessel,  I  had  nothing  to  oppose  to  them,  to 
prevent  their  junction  at  Maiden.  Indeed,  the  ad 
vantage  to  the  enemy  of  commanding  the  Lake  be 
came  everyday  more  apparent.  Both  reinforcements 
and  supplies  could  be  transported  with  facility  from 
one  post  to  another,  whenever  it  became  necessary.* 

"  At  this  time  I  had  intercepted  a  letter  from  a 
Mr.  McKenzie,  a  member  of  the  Northwest  Compa 
ny,  at  Fort  William,  to  a  Mr.  Mclntosh,  of  Sandwich, 
the  principal  agent  of  that  Company  in  Upper  Cana 
da,  dated  July  19th,  1812.  The  genuineness  of  this 
letter  was  proved  on  my  trial,  and  admitted  in  evi 
dence.  It  affords  such  clear  evidence  of  the  force  on 
the  borders  of  the  lakes  above  me,  and  that  it  was  to 
be  directed  against  me,  that  I  shall  here  recite  the 
following  extracts  from  it : 

"  '  The  declaration  of  war  reached  us  on  the  16th 
instant  (July),  but  we  are  neither  astonished  nor 
alarmed.  Our  agents  ordered  a  general  muster, 
which  amounted  to  twelve  hundred,  exclusive  of  sev 
eral  hundred  of  the  natives.  We  are  equal  in  all  to 
sixteen  or  seventeen  hundred  strong.  One  of  our 
gentlemen  started  on  the  17th  instant,  with  several 


*  The  statement  concerning  Ma-  having  made  frequent  and  extensive 

jor   Chambers,  which  is  contained  inroads  from  Sandwich,  up  the  river 

in  the  extracts  above  from  General  Thames.      I  have  in  consequence 

Hull's  letters,  is  confirmed  by  the  been   induced    to    detach    Captain 

following   extract  from   an   official  Chambers  with  about  50  of  the  41st 

letter  of  General  Brock,  of  July  25.  regiment    to  the   Moravian    town, 

Life  of  Brock,  page  197.     "  I  have  where  I  have  directed  200  militia  to 

received  information  of  the  enemy  join  him." 


346  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

light  canoes,  for  the  interior  country,  to  rouse  the  na 
tives  to  activity,  which  is  not  hard  to  do  on  the  pre 
sent  occasion*  We  likewise  despatched  messengers 
in  all  directions  with  the  news.  I  have  not  the  least 
doubt  but  our  force,  in  ten  days  hence,  will  amount 
to  five  thousand  effective  men.  Our  young  gentle 
men  and  engagees,  offered  most  handsomely  to  march 
immediately  for  Michilimackinac.  Our  chief,  Mr. 
Shaw,  expressed  his  gratitude,  and  drafted  one  hun 
dred.  They  are  to  proceed  this  evening  to  St.  Jo 
seph's.  He  takes  about  as  many  Indians.  Could  the 
vessel  contain  them,  he  might  have  had  four  thousand 
more.  It  now  depends  on  what  accounts  we  receive 
from  St.  Joseph's,  whether  these  numerous  tribes 
from  the  interior,  will  proceed  to  St.  Joseph's  or  not.' 
"  At  the  time  I  intercepted  this  letter,  its  contents 
were  confirmed  by  the  information  I  received  from 
Lieutenant  Hanks,  Doctor  Day,  and  Mr.  Stone,  who 
had  arrived  at  Detroit  from  Michilimackinac,  prison 
ers  on  parole.  They  stated,  that  before  they  left 
Michilimackinac,  a  number  of  boats  and  canoes  had 
arrived,  in  which  several  gentlemen  came  passengers, 
who,  they  were  informed,  were  agents  of  the  North 
west  Company,  and  had  come  from  Fort  William,  af 
ter  the  news  of  the  declaration  of  war  had  been  re 
ceived  there,  and  that  they  gave  the  same  account  of 
the  Canadian  and  savage  force,  and  its  destination, 
as  is  contained  in  Mr.  McKenzie's  letter.  They  fur 
ther  stated  to  me,  that  a  large  body  of  savages  were 
collected  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  Superior,  and  that  two 
thousand  savages,  according  to  the  best  estimate  they 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   347 

could  make,  were  at  Michilimackinac,  prepared  to 
proceed  and  join  the  British  force  at  Maiden.  Lieu 
tenant  Hanks  was  killed  in  the  fort  at  Detroit,  which 
deprived  me  of  his  testimony.  Doctor  Day  and  Mr. 
Stone,  who  were  both  at  Michilimackinac,  and  pre 
sent  when  Lieutenant  Hanks  made  the  communica 
tion  to  me,  in  their  testimony  on  my  trial,  fully  con 
firmed  the  statement  here  made." 

Second. — Another  and  more  important  source  of 
danger  and  difficulty  in  the  position  of  General  Hull, 
was,  the  interruption  of  his  communications  with 
Ohio,  by  the  British  and  Indians.  This  source  of 
embarrassment,  its  cause,  and  the  fatal  results  to 
which  it  led,  cannot  be  better  stated  than  in  General 
Hull's  own  language.  We  therefore  give  the  follow 
ing  extract  from  the  eighteenth  letter  of  his  Memoirs 
on  the  Campaign  of  1812,  pp.  67,  8,  9, 

"  On  the  18th  of  June,  after  war  was  declared 
against  Great  Britain,  the  Secretary  of  War  wrote  me 
a  letter,  in  which  he  informed  me  of  the  event  (which 
letter  was  not  received  until  2d  July),  and  ordered 
me  to  march  the  army  I  commanded  to  Detroit,  with 
all  possible  expedition.  At  the  time  this  order  was 
given,  the  President  of  the  United  States  well  knew 
that  no  preparation  was  made  to  build  a  navy  on 
Lake  Erie,  and  that  the  enemy  commanded  it  with  a 
number  of  armed  vessels  and  gun-boats.  When, 
therefore,  these  fatal  orders  were  given,  those  by 
whose  authority  they  were  given  well  knew,  that  the 
communication  through  the  Lake  would  be  closed 
against  us,  and  that  no  reinforcements  or  supplies  of 


348  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

any  kind  could  be  obtained  for  the  army  through  that 
channel.  They  well  knew,  that  the  State  of  Ohio 
was  the  nearest  part  of  our  country  from  which  the 
necessary  supplies  could  be  furnished.  They  well 
knew,  that  the  distance  from  any  magazines  where 
these  supplies  could  be  obtained,  to  the  point  where 
they  ordered  the  army,  was  more  than  two  hundred 
miles ;  and  to  the  other  posts,  was  more  than  five 
hundred  miles.  They  also  knew,  that  this  distance 
was  almost  entirely  a  wilderness,  filled  with  savages, 
who,  in  the  event  of  war,  would  probably  become 
hostile,  and  that  the  supplies  could  only  be  carried  on 
pack-horses.  The  Administration  also  knew,  that  in 
three  separate  statements  which  1  had  made  to  the 
President,  through  the  Secretary  of  War,  I  had  ob 
served,  that,  in  the  event  of  war,  a  navy  on  Lake 
Erie,  superior  to  the  British,  was  essential  to  success  ; 
and  that  without  preserving  the  water  communica 
tion,  an  arrrfy  could  not  be  supported  at  Detroit ;  and 
that  Detroit,  Michilimackinac,  and  Chicago,  would  in 
evitably  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Near  the 
Miami  of  the  Lake,  I  received  the  order  which  has 
been  referred  to,  informing  me  of  the  declaration  of 
war,  and  to  march  to  Detroit.  Had  I  not  received 
this  order,  and  the  operations  had  been  left  to  my 
discretion,  I  should  not  have  marched  to  Detroit, 
eighteen  miles  in  rear  of  the  enemy,  from  a  different 
quarter.  I  had  served  under  General  Washington 
from  the-  commencement  to  the  end  of  the  Revolution 
ary  war.  I  had  observed  how  cautious  he  was  in  all 
his  movements,  to  preserve  a  communication  with  his 
magazines." 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   349 

Colonel  Proctor  had  arrived  with  reinforcements 
at  Maiden,  and  taken  the  command.  One  of  his  first 
acts  was,  to  throw  a  detachment  across  the  river  to 
Brownstown,  consisting  of  a  small  number  of  the  41st 
and  of  Indians,  under  Tecumseh,  to  occupy  the  woods 
and  prevent  provisions  from  reaching  General  Hull's 
army,  along  its  communications.  General  Hull  at 
the  same  time  received  intelligence,  that  a  party  of 
volunteers  from  Ohio  had  arrived  at  the  river  Raisin, 
escorting  some  cattle,  destined  for  the  supplv  of  the 
army.  General  Hull  detached  two  hundred  men,  un 
der  Major  Vanhorne,  with  orders  to  proceed  to  the 
river  Raisin,  and  guard  these  cattle  safely  to  the  camp. 
Major  Vanhorne's  party  was  suddenly  attacked  by  the 
Indians,  and  entirely  defeated. 

Brock's  biographer  says,  that  but  seventy  Indians 
were  engaged,  and  no  British,  and  adds,  that  "  in  this 
affair,  General  Hull's  despatches,  and  the  correspond 
ence  of  his  army,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Tecumseh, 
and  it  was  partly  the  desponding  nature  of  their  con 
tents,  which  afterwards  induced  Major-General  Brock 
to  attempt  the  capture  of  the  American  army."  * 


*  "  On  this  occasion  the  force  of  The  enemy  had  a  great  advantage 

the  enemy  was  greatly  exaggerated,  in  the  ground,  but  in  point  of  num- 

as  it  was  in  many  other  instances,  bers,  he  was  not  superior.     I  do  not 

Major  Vanhorne,  though  a  gentleman  wish  to  detract  from  the  real  merit 

and  a  soldier,  was  certainly  not  en-  of  Vanhorne,  but  at  Detroit  in  Oct. 

titled  to  the  praise  bestowed  upon  1813,  I  was  informed  by  an  Ameri- 

him  by  some  of  his  countrymen.  Be-  can  gentleman^of  high  standing,  who 

ing  warned  of  his  danger,  he  should  had   made   particular  inquiry,  that 

have  taken  care  to  prevent  a  sur-  the  force  of  the  enemy  in  this  case, 

prise,  and  had  he  done  so,  he  would  did  not  exceed  40  British  and  70 

doubtless    have     been    victorious.  Indians,  and  this  statement  is  cor- 


350  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

Neither  Major  Vanhorne  nor  his  troops  appear  to  very 
great  advantage  in  this  affair.  Vanhorne,  in  his  tes 
timony,  says,  that  when  they  were  attacked  he  order 
ed  them  to  retreat  to  the  edge  of  the  wood,  instead  of 
attempting  to  charge  ;  that  he  imagined  from  the  num 
ber  of  guns  fired,  the  enemy  to  be  most  numerous  ; 
that  the  men  retreated  a  quarter  of  a  mile  before  they 
could  be  got  into  line,  and  that  even  then,  though  no 
enemy  was  in  sight,  and  the  firing  had  ceased,  he  or 
dered  them  to  retreat  again  —  whereupon,  it  seems, 
they  ran  away  in  disorder,  and  the  loss  was  18  killed, 
12  wounded,  and  70  missing.  Yet  Major  Vanhorne 
was  one  of  the  officers  who  afterwards  testified,  on 
General  Hull's  trial,  that  his  Commander  was,  in  his 
opinion,  under  the  influence  of  fear  at  the  time  of  the 
surrender.  General  HulFs  communications  were  now 
effectually  cut  off,  and  this  was  the  second  source  of 
difficulty  in  his  situation. 

Third.  —  It  will  be  remembered  that,  according  to 
the  plan  of  the  Northwestern  Campaign,  advised  by 
General  Hull  and  approved  by  the  Secretary  of  War, 
it  was  determined  that  Canada  should  be  invaded  by 
two  co-operating  armies.  From  two  points,  Detroit 
and  Niagara,  armies  were  to  march  simultaneously 
into  Upper  Canada.  The  charge  of  one  had  been 
confided  to  General  Hull,  and  he  had  thus  far  per 
formed  all  that  had  been  required  of  him.  He  had 


roborated  by  the  fact,  that  the  main  a  large  detachment  to  the  American 

army  was  still  in  Canada,  and  the  side."   See  McAffee's  History,  page 

British  being  in  daily  expectation  of  75. 
an  attack  on  Maiden,  would  not  send 


I 

AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.      35] 

cut  a  road  through  the  wilderness,  and  with  an  ener 
gy  and  celerity,  to  which  even  the  British  bore  testi 
mony,*  had  reached  Detroit,  and  invaded  Canada. 
He  did  this,  fully  relying  on  promised  co-operation 
and  support.  He  had  so  often  and  so  urgently  repre 
sented  the  necessity  of  a  fleet  on  Lake  Erie,  co-op 
eration  at  Niagara,  and  reinforcements  from  Ohio,  that 
he  had  depended  on  his  Government  for  this  support. 
He  was  disappointed  in  all.  All  these  measures  were 
seen  and  admitted  to  be  important,  but  their  execu 
tion  was  delayed,  until  the  fate  of  his  army  was 
sealed. 

Large  reinforcements  were  ordered  from  Ohio  and 
Kentucky,  but  not  soon  enough  to  open  General  Hull's 
communications,  or  afford  him  any  relief.  A  fleet  was 
placed  on  Lake  Erie,  but  it  was  not  till  a  year  after 
the  surrender  of  Detroit.  Forces  were  at  last  assem 
bled  at  Niagara,  but  not  until  General  Hull's  army 
had  been  captured. 

As  early  as  June  26th,  Major  General  Dearborn 
was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Albany  and  prepare  the 
force  to  be  collected  at  that  place,  for  actual  service^ 
In  this  letter  it  was  said,  "  Preparations,  it  is  pre 
sumed,  will  be  made  to  move  in  a  direction  for  Nia 
gara,  Kingston,  or  Montreal."  This  was  in  accord 
ance  with  a  plan  of  the  campaign  submitted  to  the 

*  "  Should  General  Hull  be  com-  nary  character  of  enterprise." — Sir 

pelled  to  relinquish  his  operations  George  Prevost's  letter  of  July  31st 

against  Amherstburg,  it  will  be  pro-  to  General  Brock, 
per  that  his  future  movements  be         f  See  appendix  for  the  official  cor- 

most  carefully  observed,  as  his  late  respondence  of  General  Dearborn 

march   exhibits  a  more  ^than  ordi-  and  the  Secretary  of  War. 


352  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

Secretary  of  War  by  General  Dearborn  himself,  by 
which  Canada  was  to  be  invaded  from  Detroit,  Nia 
gara,  Sacket's  Harbour,  and  Lake  Champlain— the 
two  last  armies  being  destined  for  Kingston  and  Mon 
treal.  But  owing  either  to  the  want  of  preparation 
in  the  country  at  large,  to  the  dilatory  proceedings  of 
the  Administration,  the  negligence  of  General  Dear 
born,  or  all  these  causes  united,  the  result  was,  that 
General  Hull's  army  was  the  only  one  which  was 
able  to  invade  Canada  at  all,  till  long  after  this  time. 
Indeed,  so  great  was  the  confusion  and  want  of  plan 
at  Washington  and  Albany,  that  General  Dearborn 
did  not  even  know  whether  or  not  he  was  to  have  the 
command  of  the  troops  at  Niagara.  The  Secretary 
of  War  writes  to  him  July  26th,  telling  him  of  General 
Hull's  arrival  at  Detroit,  and  saying,  "  arrangements 
should  immediately  be  made  by  you  for  co-operating 
with  him  at  Niagara" 

But  General  Dearborn  meantime  writes  to  the 
Secretary  of  War  from  Albany,  July  28th,  asking 
"  who  is  to  have  the  command  of  the  operations  in  Up 
per  Canada  ?  I  take  it  for  granted,  that  my  command 
does  not  extend  to  that  distant  quarter"*  No  troops 
being  collected  at  Niagara,  and  it  being  very  appa 
rent  to  General  Brock  that  there  was  no  attack  to  be 
feared  in  that  quarter,  he  was  able  to  send  troops  to 
reinforce  Malden.f  No  troops  being  collected  at  Sack- 


*  Defence  of  General  Dearborn  "  My  last  to  your  Excellency  was 

by  his  son,  Boston,  1824.  dated  the  12th  inst.,  since  which 

f  Letter  of  General  Brock  to  nothing  extraordinary  has  occurred 

Sir  George  Prevost,  July  20,  1812 :  in  this  communication.  The  enemy 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   353 

et?s  Harbour,  and  no  movement  being  made  on  Lake 
Champlain,  Sir  George  Prevost  was  able  to  send 
troops  to  Upper  Canada.*  Nor  was  this  all.  Instead 
of  co-operating  with  General  Hull,  General  Dearborn 
acceded  to  an  armistice,  proposed  by  Sir  George  Pre 
vost,  by  which  he  agreed  that  the  troops  opposed  to 
each  other  at  Niagara  should  act  on  the  defensive 
only :  thus  allowing  General  Brock  to  send  reinforce 
ments  to  Maiden,  while  he  deprived  himself  of  the 
power  of  aiding  General  Hull  by  demonstrations  on 
the  Niagara  frontier. 

General  Hull  found  himself  therefore  entirely  de 
prived  of  the  assistance  on  which  he  had  depended.! 


has  evidently  diminished  his  force, 
and  appears  to  have  no  intention  of 
making  an  immediate  attack.  *  *  *  * 
Should  the  communication  between 
Kingston  and  Montreal  be  cut  off, 
the  fate  of  the  troops  in  this  part  of 
the  province  will  be  decided.  *  *  * 
It  is  evidently  not  the  intention  of 
the  enemy  to  make  any  attempt  to 
penetrate  into  the  province  by  this 
strait,  unless  the  present  force  be 
diminished." 

*  "  You  may  rely  on  every  exer 
tion  being  made  to  preserve  uninter 
rupted  the  communication  between 
Kingston  and  Montreal,  and  that  I 
will  also  give  all  possible  support  to 
your  endeavours  to  overcome  every 
difficulty.  One  hundred  effective  of 
the  Newfoundland,  and  fifty  picked 
men  of  the  Veterans,  left  this  in 
boats  on  Thursday ;  they  were  in 
tended  to  reinforce  the  garrison  at 

23 


Kingston.  I  am  glad  to  find  that 
the  new  arrival  of  the  Royals, 
expected  at  Quebec  to-morrow,  will 
give  you  the  reinforcement  of  the 
49th  Regiment,  which,  with  the  de 
tachment  of  the  Newfoundland  and 
Veterans,  and  gun-boat  No.  7,  will 
add  something  to  your  present 
strength.  I  shall  order  Major 
Ormsby,  with  three  companies  of  the 
49th  Regiment,  to  proceed  from 
Montreal  to  Kingston,  to  be  disposed 
of  as  you  may  find  necessary." 
Letters  to  General  Brock  from  Sir 
George  Prevost  and  his  officers  at 
Quebec,  from  31st  July  to  2d  Au 
gust. 

f  "Those  who  are  most  severe 
in  their  condemnation  of  General 
Hull  admit  the  injury  inflicted  on 
him  by  these  measures  of  the  Com 
manding  General.  Thus  Arm 
strong  (Notices,  &c.,  Vol.  I.  p.  97) 


354  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

He  is  told  by  the  Secretary  of  War  (June  24),  which 
letter  was  not  received  until  the  9th  of  July,  that  "  an 
adequate  force  cannot  soon  be  relied  upon  for  the 


speaks  as  follows :  "  We  have  al-  British  posts  in  his  front,  as  would 
ready  stated,  that  to  lessen  the  pres-  have  the  effect  of  preventing  them 
sure  on  General  Hull  and  to  rein-  from  reinforcing  the  garrison  of 
state  the  ascendency  he  had  lost  on  Maiden ;  or  otherwise  altering  the 
the  Detroit,  Major  General  Dear-  relations  as  to  strength,  which  had 
born,  who,  in  the  distribution  of  hitherto  existed  between  Hull  and 
service  for  the  year  1812,  had  been  Proctor.  But  for  this  service,  the 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Major-General  had  made  no  pre par- 
Northern  army,  was  directed  to  ation,  and  appeared  to  have  little 
make  such  movements  against  the  relish,*  as  on  the  very  day  on  which 


*  In  the  General's  letter  of  the  8th  August,  we  find  an  apology  for  this  in 
action,  quite  as  unjustifiable  as  the  inaction  itself.  "  Till  now,"  he  says,  "  I 
did  not  consider  the  Niagara  frontier  as  coming  within  the  limits  of  my  com 
mand" — an  assertion  directly  contradicted  by  the  armistice  entered  into 
between  him  and  Prevost,  and  utterly  inconsistent  with  the  orders  he  received 
from  the  26th  of  June  to  the  1st  of  August.  For  these  orders,  see  Appendix 
No.  10  to  Armstrong's  Notices  of  the  War  of  1812,  as  follows : 

"  Orders  given  to  General  Dearborn  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  in  relation 
to  the  Niagara  frontier. 

"  June  26,  1812.  Your  preparations  (at  Albany),  it  is  presumed,  will  be 
made  to  move  in  a  direction  for  Niagara,  Kingston,  and  Montreal. 

"  July  15.  On  your  arrival  at  Albany,  your  attention  will  be  directed  to 
the  security  of  the  Northern  frontier  by  the  Lakes.  July  20th.  You  will 
make  such  arrangements  with  Governor  Tompkins  as  will  place  the  militia, 
detached  by  him  for  the  Niagara  and  other  posts  on  the  Lake,  under  your 
control.  July  29th.  Should  it  be  advisable  to  make  any  other  disposition  of 
Jhese  restless  people  (the  warriors  of  the  Seneca  Tribe  of  Indians),  you  will 
give  orders  to  Mr.  Granger  and  the  commanding  officer  at  Niagara.  August 
1st.  You  will  make  a  diversion  in  favour  of  him  (General  Hull)  at  Niagara 
and  Kingston,  as  soon  as  may  be  practicable/'  How,  we  would  ask,  is  it 
possible  for  the  General,  with  these  orders  in  his  Portfolio,  to  believe  that  the 
Niagara  frontier  had  not  been  within  the  limits  of  his  command?  And  if  he 
did  so  believe,  by  what  authority  did  he  extend  the  armistice  (entered  into  be 
tween  him  and  Prevost),  to  that  frontier?  As,  however,  the  inaction  which 
enabled  Brock  to  leave  his  posts  on  the  Niagara  undisturbed  and  unmenaced, 
and  even  to  carry  with  him  a  part  of  his  force  to  Detroit,  and  there  to  cap 
ture  Hull,  his  army  and  territory,  was  not  noticed  by  any  kind  of  disapproba 
tion  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  the  inference  is  fair  that  it  (the 
'Government)  was  willing  to  take  the  responsibility  on  itself. 

No.  11  of  Armstrong's  Notices  in  the  Appendix,  is  the  following.  "Ex 
tract  of  a  letter  from  Sir  George  Prevost  to  General  Brock,  dated  30th  of  Au- 
,gust,  1812: 

"  I   consider  it  most  fortunate,  that  I  have  been  able  to  prosecute  this 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   355 

reduction  of  the  enemy's  posts  below  you."  From 
the  north  he  hears  of  the  fall  of  Michilimackinac  and 
of  the  approach  of  2000  hostile  Indian  warriors  and 
1200  employees  of  the  Northwest  Company.  In  front 
of  his  own  army,  he  finds  reinforcements  continually 
arriving,  of  regulars  and  militia,  to  strengthen  the 
British  troops  at  Maiden.  On  the  Lake,  his  communi 
cations  were  cut  off  by  the  British  fleet ;  on  the  south, 
by  land,  his  communications  were  cut  off  by  the  In 
dians,  and  an  attempt  to  restore  them  by  Vanhorne's 
detachment,  had  been  unsuccessful.  Within  his  own 
army,  ignorant  and  incapable  of  understanding  this 
state  of  things,  there  was  a  spirit  of  insubordination 
and  mutiny,  fostered  and  encouraged  even  by  the 
militia  officers  themselves.  In  this  state  of  affairs, 
on  the  7th  of  August  he  received  letters  from  General 
Hall  and  General  Porter,  commanding  at  Niagara  and 
Black  Rock,  informing  him  that  a  large  number  of 
boats  filled  with  British  troops  had  passed  over  Lake 


he  was  thus  instructed  by  the  Gov-  by  vigorously  assailing  the  British 

ernment,    (though   sufficiently    ap-  posts   in  his  front,  (now  rendered 

prised  that   detachments  had  been  comparatively  weak  by  the  absence 

sent  to  Maiden,  and  that  the  situation  of    Brock   and    the  troops   carried 

of  Hull  was  becoming  more  critical  with  him,)  or  by  extending  to  him 

every  moment,)  he  did  not  hesitate  and   his   army  the   benefits   of  the 

to  enter  into  an  armistice,  by  which  temporary  suspension  of  hostilities 

he  completely  disabled  himself  from  into  which  he  had  entered." 
giving  any  aid  to  that  officer ;  either 


object  of  the  Government  (the  armistice),  without  interfering  with  your  oper 
ations  on  the  Detroit.  I  have  sent  you  men,  money,  and  stores  of  all  kinds." 
See  Life  and  Services  of  Sir  George  Prevost ; — a  ruse  de  guerre,  as  credita 
ble  to  the  shrewdness  and  sagacity  of  Sir  George  Prevost,  as  it  was  disrepu 
table,  for  the  obtuseness  or  treachery  of  General  Dearborn.] 


356  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

Ontario  to  the  west  part  of  it,  and  were  directing 
their  course  to  Maiden ;  and  likewise  that  the  British 
forces,  with  the  Canadian  militia  and  savages,  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  Niagara  river,  were  moving  by 
water  to  the  same  point ;  and  what  was  more  deci 
sive  still,  General  Hull  was  informed  by  the  same 
letters,  that  no  assistance  or  co-operation  would  be 
afforded  from  that  quarter  to  the  troops  under  his 
command. 

Under  these  circumstances  to  attack  Maiden,  even 
if  the  attack  were  successful,  would  have  been  useless. 
To  take  Maiden,  would  not  open  the  Lake  nor  the 
forest ;  would  bring  no  supplies  to  his  troops,  and  it 
must  soon  have  fallen  again  for  want  of  them.  The 
first  thing  to  be  done  was,  to  re-open  the  communica 
tion  through  the  wilderness  to  Ohio.  For  this  pur 
pose,  General  Hull  re-crossed  with  his  army  to  Detroit 
on  the  evening  of  the  7th  of  August,  leaving  a  suffi 
cient  body  of  troops  intrenched  and  fortified  on  the 
other  bank,  to  enable  him  to  regain  the  British  shore, 
as  soon  as  his  communications  were  clear. 

The  afternoon  of  the  day  in  which  the  army 
completed  crossing  the  river,  Colonel  Miller  of  the  4th 
regiment  was  detached  with  a  body  of  600  men, 
consisting  of  the  effective  men  of  his  own  regiment 
and  a  selection  of  the  most  effective  of  the  militia. 
They  took  with  them  a  company  of  artillery,  with  a 
six-pounder  and  a  howitzer,  and  a  company  of  cavalry. 

About  fourteen  miles  from  Detroit,  at  Maguago, 
they  met  a  body  of  British  soldiers  and  Indians  in 
trenched  behind  a  breastwork  of  logs 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   357 

The  British  were  commanded  by  Major  Muir 
of  the  41st,  and  the  Indians  by  Tecumseh. 

Notwithstanding  the  advantages  of  their  position. 
Colonel  Miller  was  enabled,  by  a  gallant  charge,  to 
break  their  line,  and  force  them  from  it  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet.  The  British  and  Indians  retreated, 
and  were  pursued  about  two  miles. 

The  communications  with  the  river  Raisin  were 
now  opened,  and  the  distance  from  the  battle  ground 
was  only  sixteen  or  eighteen  miles,  and  yet,  instead 
of  marching  on.  Colonel  Miller  and  his  troops  return 
ed  to  Detroit.  The  reasons  assigned  were,  that  the 
troops  had  thrown  down  their  knapsacks  of  provisions 
at  the  beginning  of  the  action,  which  were  lost ;  that 
they  had  to  wait  till  provisions  could  be  sent  from 
Detroit  the  next  day  ;  that  they  did  not  get  these  pro 
visions  till  late  the  next  day,  and  they  were  only 
sufficient  for  one  or  two  meals,  and  that  Colonel 
Miller  sent  for  a  further  supply,  and  a  storm  of  rain 
coming  on,  they  were  ordered  back  to  Detroit.* 

*  "  It  is  plain,"  says  Armstrong,  enemy,  could  have  reached  the  river 

•!  that    Col.    Miller     should     have  Raisin  in  a  day,  and  without  suffer- 

niarched  on,  even  if  it  had  been  ne-  ing  much  from  the  want  of  provi- 

cessary  to  carry  him  in  a  litter,  for  sions." 

he  was  not  more  than  twenty-two  It  seems  evident  either  that  Miller 

miles"  (Miller  says  in  his  testimony,  was  to  blame  for  not  going  on,  or 

sixteen  or  eighteen)    "from     Col.  that  the  difficulties  of  the  road  along 

Brush,  who  had  150  men  and  plenty  the  river  were  so  great  that  it  could 

of  provisions.     If  he  had  been  too  not  be   kept  permanently  open  by 

sick  to  proceed  in  any  manner,  one  any  force  Gen.   Hull  was  able  to 

of  the  other  Colonels  should  have  employ.     As  Colonel  Miller  has  al- 

been  sent  in  his  place,  without  wait-  ways   shown  himself  an  able   and 

Ing  for  more  supplies  from  Detroit,  gallant  officer,  the  last  supposition 

The  detachment  having  beaten  the  is  no  doubt  the  true  one. 


358  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

General  Hull's  account  of  this  transaction  and 
his  subsequent  steps,  is  as  follows  : 

Extract  from  Hull's  Memoirs,  page  73  :  "  As 
soon  as  I  received  an  account  of  the  action,  a  rein 
forcement  of  one  hundred  men,  with  a  supply  of 
provisions  under  the  command  of  Colonel  McArthur, 
was  ordered  to  join  Colonel  Miller's  detachment  at 
Maguago.  As  soon  as  the  detachment  had  recruited 
from  its  fatigue,  my  intention  was,  that  it  should  have 
proceeded  on  the  expedition  to  the  river  Raisin.  A 
severe  storm  of  rain  intervened,  and  the  troops  were 
exposed  to  it,  without  any  covering.  I  therefore 
thought  it  expedient,  on  account  of  their  great  fatigue, 
to  order  them  back  to  Detroit,  and  make  an  arrange 
ment  by  another  route  to  open  the  communication. 

"  The  road  to  the  river  Raisin,  which  passed 
through  the  Indian  village  of  Browristown,  being 
principally  on  the  margin  of  the  Detroit  river,  both 
troops  and  convoys  could  easily  be  annoyed  by  the 
gun-boats  and  armed  vessels  of  the  enemy.  Besides, 
in  its  course,  there  was  only  the  river  which  sepa 
rated  it  from  the  enemy^s  principal  post  at  Maiden. 
Being  thus  situated,  it  was  almost  impossible  to  se 
cure  it  in  such  a  manner  as  that  convoys  could  pass 
with  any  kind  of  safety.  After  Colonel  Miller's  re 
turn  to  Detroit,  therefore,  seeing  the  indispensable 
necessity  of  obtaining  the  supplies  which  had  arrived 
at  the  river  Raisin,  and  being  informed  of  a  circuitous 
route,  distant  from  the  river,  I  thought  it  expedient 
to  make  the  attempt  in  that  direction.  I  communi 
cated  my  intentions  to  Colonels  McArthur  and 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   359 

and  they  not  only  fully  approved  of  the  measure,  but 
offered  their  services  as  volunteers,  on  the  expedition. 
I  likewise  communicated  to  them  a  letter  from  Cap 
tain  Brush,  who  commanded  the  escort  of  provisions, 
informing  me  that  he  should  take  the  back  road,  and 
should  have  occasion  for  support.  I  authorized 
Colonels  McArthur  and  Cass  to  select  the  most 
healthy  and  effective  men  of  their  regiments,  and  di 
rected  the  Quarter-Master  to  furnish  pack-horses  to 
carry  provisions  for  them  during  their  march.  On 
the  14th  of  August,  they  commenced  their  march, 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  McArthur,  attended 
by  Colonel  Cass." 


360  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


CHAPTER   III. 

SITUATION  OF  GENERAL  HULL — BROCK'S  ARRIVAL  AT  MALDEN. — SURRENDER 
OF  DETROIT. — ITS  REASONS. — STATE  OF  COMMUNICATIONS,  TROOPS,  PRO 
VISIONS. 

WE  have  seen  that  General  Hull  made  three  at 
tempts  to  open  his  communications  to  Ohio.  The 
first  was  on  August  4th,  by  means  of  Major  Van- 
home's  detachment  of  200  men,  which  was  defeated 
by  a  small  body  of  British  and  Indians.  The  second 
was  on  August  8th,  by  Colonel  Miller's  detachment 
of  600  men,  who  defeated  the  enemy,  but  returned 
to  Detroit  without  effecting  their  object.  The  third 
was  by  means  of  McArthur  and  Cass's  detachment, 
which  set  out  August  14th,  to  go  by  a  back  route. 

While  these  operations  were  taking  place  in  the 
American  camp,  Major-General  Brock  had  been 
making  energetic  efforts  to  reinforce  and  relieve 
Maiden.  He  had  sent  Colonel  Proctor,  an  officer  in 
whom  he  placed  much  confidence,  to  take  the  com 
mand  in  the  place  of  St.  George.  Reinforcements 
had  been  sent  with  him,  and  previously  some  militia 
were  ordered  to  proceed  to  Long  Point,  on  Lake 
Erie,  where  General  Brock  soon  followed.  He  left 
York  on  the  6th  of  August,*  taking  with  him  a  body 

*  Life  of  Brock,  page  224. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 

of  250  militia  from  that  place ;  on  his  way  he  held 
a  Council  with  the  Mohawks  on  Grand  river,  who 
promised  him  a  reinforcement;  and  embarked  at 
Long  Point  on  Lake  Erie,  with  about  300  militia, 
besides  his  regulars,  and  proceeded  by  water  to  Am- 
herstburg  or  Maiden.  He  reached  Amherstburg  on 
the  13th  of  August,  and  had  an  interview  with  Te- 
cumseh,  and  held  a  Council,  which  was  attended  by 
1000  Indian  warriors.*  They  expressed  their  joy  at 
General  Brock's  arrival,  and  their  determination  to 
assist  him  to  the  last  drop  of  their  blood.  On  the 
15th  of  August,  he  sent  a  summons  to  General  Hull, 
calling  on  him  to  surrender  the  fort.f  General  Hull 
answered  that  he  had  no  other  reply  to  make,  than 
to  say,  that  he  was  prepared  to  meet  any  force  at  his 
disposal,  and  any  consequences  which  might  result 
from  the  exercise  of  it. 


*  Life  of  Brock,  page  228.  The  join  in  a  war  of  extermination ;  but 
number  here  incidentally  given,  you  must  be  aware  that  the  numer- 
shows  the  actual  Indian  force  at  ous  bodies  of  Indians  who  have  at- 
Detroit,  to  be  much  greater  than  tached  themselves  to  my  troops, 
was  afterwards  stated.  Indians  will  be  beyond  my  control,  the  mo- 
love  war,  and  these  were  inflamed  ment  the  contest  commences.  You 
with  animosity  and  hope  of  plunder,  will  find  me  disposed  to  enter  into 
It  is  not  likely  that  any  of  this  such  conditions  as  will  satisfy  the 
thousand  were  absent  at  the  time  of  most  scrupulous  sense  of  honour, 
the  attack,  nor  is  it  probable,  that  all  Lieutenant-Colonel  McDonnel  and 
the  Indians  were  present  at  the  Major  Glegg  are  fully  authorized  to 
Council.  conclude  any  arrangements  that 

f  General  Brock's  letter  was  as  may  lead  to  prevent  the  unnecessary 

follows  :  "  The  force  at  my  disposal,  effusion  of  blood, 

authorizes  me  to  require  of  you  the  (Signed)     ISAAC  BROCK, 

immediate   surrender  of  Fort  De-  Major- General." 
troit.     It  is  far  from  my  intention  to 


362  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

That  afternoon  a  fire  was  opened  upon  Detroit, 
from  a  battery  erected  opposite,  at  Sandwich,  and  the 
cannonade  was  returned  by  an  American  battery  of 
24-pounders.  General  Hull  immediately  sent  word 
to  Colonels  McArthur  and  Cass  to  return  to  Detroit, 
with  their  detachment.  Early  the  next  morning 
General  Brock  crossed  the  river  about  five  miles  be 
low  Detroit,  having  sent  over  a  large  force  of  Indian 
warriors  the  night  before,  to  protect  his  landing, 
which  was  also  made  under  cover  of  two  ships  of  war. 
According  to  his  own  official  account,  his  forces  con 
sisted  of  330  regulars,  400  militia,  and  600  Indians, 
or  1330  in  all ;  but  no  doubt  it  exceeded  this  number, 
as  we  have  seen  that  1000  Indians  met  at  the  Coun 
cil  two  days  before,  and  that  commanders  are  very  apt, 
even  when  meaning  to  tell  the  truth,  to  exaggerate 
the  enemy's  forces  and  underrate  their  own.  General 
Brock  certainly  did  the  one,  in  estimating  General 
Hull's  force  at  2500,  since  there  is  no  possible  mode 
of  making  it  amount  to  one-half  of  that  number. 
Colonel  Cass,  whose  object  evidently  was  to  make 
Brock's  force  as  small,  and  Hull's  as  large  as  possi 
ble,  and  who  estimates  the  former  at  300  less  than 
General  Brock's  own  estimate,  does  not  make  Gene 
ral  Hull's  effective  force  more  than  1060  in  all.  We 
shall  see,  hereafter,  that  it  was  much  less  than  this. 

General  Brock's  intention  in  crossing  the  river 
was,  to  wait  in  a  strong  position  the  effect  of  his 
force,  displayed  before  the  American  camp  ;  but  hear 
ing  of  Colonel  McArthur's  absence  with  500  men, 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 


he  decided  on  an  immediate  attack.*  He  there 
fore  advanced  toward  the  fort,  and  was  preparing  for 
an  assault,  when  General  Hull  determined  to  surren 
der  ;  an  act  which,  condemned  as  it  has  been,  we 
cannot  but  consider,  on  maturest  reflection,  the  bravest 
and  noblest  action  of  a  life,  hitherto  universally  re 
garded  as  that  of  a  brave  and  patriotic  man. 

It  would  have  required  very  little  courage  to  fight. 
General  Hull  had  been  in  many  battles  of  the  Revo 
lution.  There  probably  was  not  an  officer  or  soldier 
in  his  whole  army,  who  had  seen  half  as  much  of  war 
as  himself.  He  had  led  a  column  of  seven  companies 
at  the  taking  of  Stony  Point  with  the  bayonet,  under 
General  Wayne  ;  for  his  conduct  in  which  action  he 
received  the  thanks  of  Washington,  and  promotion  in 


*  General  Brock's  despatch  of 
17th  of  August.  General  Brock 
knew  very  well  what  he  was  about. 
He  knew  the  weakness  of  the 
American  camp  and  the  difficulties 
with  which  they  were  surrounded. 
He  knew  that  they  were  probably 
in  want  of  provisions,  for  he  had 
expressed  the  opinion  in  a  letter  to 
Sir  George  Prevost,  that  this  want 
had  induced  General  Hull  to  invade 
Canada :  "  I  doubt  whether  General 
Hull  had  instructions  to  cross  on  this 
side  the  river.  I  rather  suspect  he  was 
compelled  by  want  of  provisions" 
(Letter  of  Brock,  July  29/fc),  and  he 
knew  that  his  supplies  had  been  since 
cut  off  for  a  long  time.  General 
Brock  thus  speaks  in  a  letter  of  Sep. 
3d  ;  "  Some  say  that  nothing  could 


be  more  desperate  than  the  measure ; 
but  I  answer,  that  the  state  of  the 
province  admitted  only  of  desperate 
remedies.  I  got  possession  of  the  let 
ters  my  antagonist  addressed  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  and  also  of  the 
sentiments  which  hundreds  of  his 
army  uttered  to  their  friends.  Con 
fidence  in  their  General  was  gone, 
and  evident  despondency  prevailed 
throughout.  I  crossed  the  river, 
contrary  to  the  opinion  of  Colonel 
Proctor,  &c.,  it  is  therefore  no  won 
der  that  envy  should  attribute  to 
good  fortune,  what  in  justice  to  my 
own  discernment,  I  must  say,  pro 
ceeded  from  a  cool  calculation  of 
the  pours  and  con/res,"  Brock's 
Life,  page  267. 


364  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

the  service.  He  was  in  the  midst  of  the  battle  of 
White  Plains,  and  was  there  wrounded. 

He  was  in  the  battles  of  Trenton  and  Princeton, 
and  was  promoted  for  his  conduct  in  those  engage 
ments.  He  fought  at  Ticonderoga,  at  Bemis' 
Heights,  in  the  battle  of  October  7th,  at  Monmouth, 
Morrissania,  and  other  places,  and  led  regiments  and 
battalions  in  most  of  these  actions.  Now  the  courage 

o 

which  can  engage  in  a  battle  is  very  much  a  thing  of 
habit.  Many  men  are  cowards  in  their  first  battle  ; 
almost  all  men  are  brave  in  their  tenth.  Is  it  likely, 
therefore,  that  General  Hull  should  have  been  the 
only  man  in  his  army,  disabled  by  fear,  from  fighting 
General  Brock  ?  Is  not  this  supposition  an  absurdity  ? 
What  then  were  his  reasons,  as  given  by  himself?  Ge 
neral  Hull  was  now  in  the  position  in  which,  as  he 
had  stated  before  the  war  to  the  Administration,  De 
troit  must  fall.  His  communications  to  Ohio  were 
cut  off  by  the  Indians  in  the  woods ;  his  communica 
tion  by  the  Lake,  by  the  British  vessels  ;  and  he  had 
no  co-operation  below,  at  Niagara.  Under  these  cir 
cumstances,  the  fall  of  Detroit  was  inevitable.  If  he 
should  fight  a  battle  and  defeat  the  British  army,  this 
result  would  not  be  less  inevitable,  for  a  victory  would 
not  re-open  his  communications.  Besides  this,  his 
forces  were  vastly  inferior  to  those  of  the  enemy  ;  his 
provisions  were  nearly  exhausted,  and  there  was  no 
possibility  of  obtaining  a  supply  from  any  quarter.  If 
he  were  to  fight,  he  would  save  his  own  reputation, 
but  could  not  save  the  army  or  territory,  and  he 
would  be  exposing  the  defenceless  inhabitants  of 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 

Michigan  to  all  the  horrors  of  Indian  warfare,  without 
a  reason  or  an  object.  Under  these  circumstances, 
it  would  be  the  part  of  a  selfish  man  to  fight ;  it  was 
the  part  of  a  brave  and  generous  man,  to  hazard  the 
sacrifice  of  his  own  reputation  as  a  soldier,  and  his 
own  selfish  feelings,  to  his  duty  as  a  Governor  and  a 
man.  General  Hull  did  the  last — and  to  the  time  of 
his  death,  never  regretted  it  for  a  moment.  In  dis 
grace  ;  condemned  to  death  as  a  coward  ;  believed  to 
be  a  traitor  by  the  ignorant ;  seeing  the  success  of  his 
calumniators,  who  built  their  fortunes  on  the  ruin  of 
his  own ;  he  was  always  calm,  tranquil,  and  happy. 
He  knew  that  his  country  would  one  day  also  under 
stand  him,  and  that  history  would  at  last  do  him  jus 
tice.  He  was  asked,  on  his  death-bed,  whether  he 
still  believed  he  had  done  right,  in  the  surrender  of 
Detroit — and  he  replied,  that  he  did,  and  was  thank 
ful  that  he  had  been  enabled  to  do  it. 

The  defence  of  General  Hull  rests  mainly  on  the 
following  propositions  : 

1.  An  army  in  the  situation  of  that  of  General 
Hull,  August  16th — cut  off  from  its  supplies,  and  with 
no  adequate  means  of  opening  its  communications — 
must  inevitably  fall. 

2.  That  in   this  situation,  to  fight,  would  have 
been  a  useless  expenditure  of  life,  and  would   have 
unnecessarily  exposed  the  inhabitants  of  the  Territory 
to  Indian  cruelties. 

3.  That  this  situation  was  not  his  fault,  but  that 
of  the  General  Government,  of  General  Dearborn,  and 
of  circumstances  for  which  no  one  is  perhaps  respon 
sible. 


366  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

4.  That  the  troops  of  General  Hull,  on  August 
16th,    were   much   inferior   in   number   to   General 
Brock's. 

5.  That  the  provisions  of  the  army  were  nearly 
exhausted,  and  no  further  supplies  could  be  obtained. 

We  will  now  advance  the  arguments  and  facts 
which  will  establish  these  propositions. 

I.  An  army  in  the  situation  of  that  of  General 
Hull,  August  16th,  must  inevitably  fall. 

This  appears  from  the  following  considerations. 
General  Hull  was  posted  twenty  miles  in  the  rear  of 
the  enemy's  principal  fortress.  He  was  between  two 
and  three  hundred  miles  distant  from  the  base  of  his 
operations,  from  which  all  his  supplies  were  to  be 
drawn.  His  communication  with  those  supplies  was 
through  a  wilderness,  filled  with  hostile  Indians,  and 
for  seventy-five  miles  along  a  river  and  lake,  exposed 
to  the  cannon  of  the  British  ships.  This  communica 
tion  was  now  completely  cut  off,  and  two  attempts  at 
re-opening  it  had  failed.  The  Lake  was  in  the  ene 
my's  power,  and  could  not  be  taken  from  them.  He 
was  informed  that  no  diversion  was  to  be  made  in 
his  favour  at  Niagara,  to  draw  off  the  enemy's  troops 
from  before  him.  If  he  should  fight,  and  destroy  the 
army  in  his  front,  the  enemy's  ships  and  Indians 
would  still  remain  controlling  the  line  of  his  commu 
nications. 

No  proposition  in  military  affairs  is  more  univer 
sally  admitted  than  this,  that  an  army  separated  from 
its  supplies,  must  fall.  History  is  full  of  instances 
in  support  of  it — and  one  of  the  main  efforts  of  strat- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   357 

egic  art,  is  always  to  protect  one's  own  communica 
tions  from  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  and  to  cut  off 
his.  The  line  between  an  army  and  its  magazines  is 
its  most  vital  and  tender  part. 

Every  thing  in  fact  goes  to  show,  that  the  power 
which  held  the  Lake,  must  also  keep  possession  both 
of  Detroit  and  Maiden.  When  General  Harrison 
had  advanced  with  a  large  army  in  September,  1812, 
to  the  neighbourhood  of  Detroit,  he  first  proposed  to 
take  it  by  coup  de  main.  He  then  relinquished  this 
plan  as  impracticable,  and  formed  a  second,  which 
was  to  accumulate  large  supplies  of  men  and  provi 
sions  at  the  Rapids  of  the  Miami,  and  then  to  move 
forward  from  that  point  in  October.  But  he  found  it 
necessary  to  relinquish  this  project  also,  and  next  de 
termined  to  accomplish  the  same  result  by  a  winter 
expedition.  But  he  was  finally  obliged  to  wait  a 
whole  year,  until  Perry's  fleet  was  built,  and  the 
naval  victory  of  September,  1813,  gained,  which 
gave  the  control  of  Lake  Erie  to  the  Americans.  As 
soon  as  this  event  took  place,  the  British  Commander 
evacuated  Detroit  and  Maiden,  without  even  waiting 
for  the  American  forces  to  appear.  Detroit  and  Mai 
den  fell  naturally  into  the  power  of  the  United  States, 
almost  without  an  effort,  the  moment  that  Lake  Erie 
was  under  its  control. 

II.  It  has  been  frequently  said  that  supplies  of 
provisions  might  have  been  procured  by  General  Hull 
from  the  Territory  itself.  This  statement  was  first 
made  by  Colonel  Cass,  in  his  celebrated  letter  of 
September  10th,  1812,  and  has  been  repeated  after 


368  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

him  by  a  multitude  of  writers,  none  of  whom  have 
taken  pains  to  examine  whether  there  was  any  foun 
dation  for  it  or  not.  Colonel  Cass's  words  are  :  "  The 
state  of  our  provisions  has  not  been  generally  under 
stood.  On  the  day  of  surrender  we  had  fifteen  days' 
provisions  of  every  kind  on  hand.  Of  meat,  there 
was  plenty  in  the  country,  and  arrangements  had 
been  made  for  purchasing  and  grinding  flour.  It  was 
calculated  we  could  readily  procure  three  months' 
provisions,  independent  of  150  barrels  of  flour,  and 
1300  head  of  cattle,  which  had  been  forwarded  from 
Ohio,  and  which  remained  at  the  river  Raisin,  under 
Captain  Brush,  within  reach  of  the  army." 

If  this  statement  is  correct,  of  course  the  surrender 
of  General  Hull's  army  cannot  be  defended  on  the 
ground  of  a  want  of  provisions.  We  shall  show  here 
after,  that  it  was  impossible  that  fifteen  or  even  five 
days'  provision  should  have  been  on  hand  at  the  time 
of  the  surrender,  and  that  Colonel  Cass  had  no  means 
of  knowing  it,  and  no  ground  for  making  the  state 
ment.  As  to  the  cattle  and  flour  at  the  river  Raisin, 
"  within  reach  of  the  army,"  we  have  seen,  that  be 
fore  General  Brock  crossed  the  river,  Major  Van- 
home  and  Colonel  Miller  had  both  attempted  to 
reach  it,  the  one  with  200  and  the  other  with  600 
men,  and  that  both  had  failed.  Was  it  more  attain 
able  now,  when  General  Brock's  regulars  and  militia, 
and  a  thousand  Indians,  at  least,  under  Tecumseh, 
were  between  it  and  Detroit  ?  In  the  statement,  that 
three  months'  provisions  could  be  obtained  in  the 
country,  Colonel  Cass  gives  no  authority.  He  cau- 


t 

AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT. 

tiously  says,  "  It  was  calculated."  Who  made  the 
calculation  does  not  appear.  But  it  is  very  remarka 
ble,  that  only  one  month  before  the  date  of  this  let 
ter,'  and  four  days  before  the  surrender,  Colonel  Cass 
should  have  made  quite  a  different  statement  to  Gov 
ernor  Meigs. 

In  a  letter  to  Governor  Meigs,  dated  August  12th, 
and  signed  by  Colonel  Cass,  he  says :  "  The  letter 
of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  you,  a  copy  of  which  I 
have  seen,  authorizes  you  to  preserve  and  keep  open 
the  communication  from  the  State  of  Ohio  to  Detroit. 
It  is  all  important  that  it  should  be  kept  open.  Our 
very  existence  depends  upon  it.  Our  supplies  must 
come  from  our  State.  This  country  does  not  furnish 
them.  In  this  existing  state,  nothing  but  a  large 
force,  of  2000  men  at  least,  will  effect  the  object.* 

But  this  was  not  the  only  letter  in  which  Colonel 
Cass  expressed  his  opinion.  On  General  Hull's  trial, 
Willis  Silliman,  a  brother  in-lavv  of  Colonel  Cass  by 
marriage  with  his  sister,  testified,  that  he  had  received 
a  letter  from  Colonel  Cass,  dated  August  12th,  which 
said  :  "  Our  situation  is  become  critical.  If  things 

o 

get  worse,  you  will  have  a  letter  from  me,  giving  a 
particular  statement  of  this  business.  Bad  as  you 
may  think  of  our  situation,  it  is  still  worse  than  you 
believe.  I  cannot  descend  into  particulars,  lest  this 
should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy." 

Silliman  testified,  that  he  had  another  letter  from 
Colonel  Cass,  dated  3d  August,  in  which  he  urged 
him  to  use  his  exertions  to  hasten  the  march  of  troops 


*  McAffee,  page  83. 

24 


370  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

from  Ohio ;  and  said,  that  men  and  provisions  were 
both  necessary,  and  would  be  necessary  ;  and  that 
"provisions  are  or  would  be  necessary  for  the  existence 
of  the  troops"  Two  other  witnesses,  who  had  read 
these  letters,  confirmed  Silliman's  testimony.*  Colonel 
Cass  as  we  have  seen,  in  his  letter  of  September  10th, 
declares,  that  "  three  months'  provisions"  could  easily 
be  procured  in  Michigan,  for  the  supply  of  the  army. 
As  a  witness  on  General  Hull's  trial,  he  testified  to 
the  same  effect,  under  oath.  General  Hull  was  on 
trial  for  his  life,  and  Colonel  Cass  swore,  "  that  his 
opinion,  founded  on  the  opinion  of  the  inhabitants 
and  upon  experience,  was,  that  provisions  might  have 
been  procured  there,  sufficient  for  the  support  of  the 
army  for  three  or  four  months." 

It  was  very  improper  that  an  opinion  should  be 
received  as  evidence  on  a  trial  for  a  capital  offence ; 
and  yet  this  opinion,  we  have  seen,  was  in  contradiction 
to  his  previous  statements  to  Governor  Meigs  and  Mr. 
Silliman.  Colonel  Snelling  also  testified  on  General 
Hull's  trial  (Forbes,  page  41),  that  he  did  not  know  of 
any  scarcity  of  provisions. 


*  Hull's  Trial,  Forbes'  Report,  p.  Brock,"  it  is  said,  that  at  the  defeat 

135.    Silliman's  testimony,  and  that  of  Vanhorne's  detachment, "  General 

of  Peter  Mills  and  Daniel  Conyers.  Hull' s  despatches  and   the  corres- 

Also  of  Public  Records,  War  Office,  pondence  of  his  troops,  fell  into  the 

Washington.     If  many  such  letters  hands   of   Tecumseh,   and   it   was 

as  this  were  written  by  the  officers  partly  the    desponding    nature    of 

of  General  Hull's  army,  we  can  un-  their  contents  which  afterwards  in- 

derstand  how  those  taken  by  Brock  duced  Major-General   Brock  to  at- 

should  have  encouraged  him  to  at-  tempt  the  capture  of  the  American 

tack    Detroit.      In  the    "Life    of  army."    Page  223. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   37 1 

Captain  Baker  (page  85)  said,  on  the  same  trial, 
"  lam  of  opinion ,  that  there  was  plenty  of  cattle  and 
grain  in  the  country." — But  of  any  facts  on  which  he 
grounded  that  opinion,  he  was  wholly  silent.  On  the 
other  hand,  what  was  the  testimony  of  those  who 
had  a  knowledge  of  facts,  and  something  else  besides 
a  vague  opinion  to  adduce  ?  It  was  proved  by  com 
petent  witnesses,  that  so  far  from  there  being  a  sur 
plus  of  cattle  and  grain  in  the  country,  to  support  the 
army  for  three  months,  the  country  had  never  pro 
duced  enough  for  the  supply  of  its  own  inhabitants 
in  time  of  peace.* 

Captain  Maxwell  (Forbes'  Report,  p.  128)  testi 
fied  on  Hull's  trial,  that  he  had  lived  thirteen  vears 
in  Ohio,  and  had  been  engaged  every  year  in  driving 
cattle  and  hogs  from  thence  to  Detroit  market ;  from 
1000  to  1500  hogs  annually,  and  from  150  to  200 
head  of  cattle. 

Captain  Dyson,  of  1st  artillery,  testified  (Hull's 
Trial,  page  134)  "  that  he,  witness,  was  in  command 
at  Detroit  from  1805  to  1808;  that  a  great  number 
of  cattle  and  hogs  were  driven  thither  from  Ohio ; 
that  the  contractors  got  the  principal  of  the  pork  by 
that  means  ;  that  the  inhabitants  could  buy  cheaper 
than  they  could  raise  them,  and  there  was  not  enough 
raised  to  subsist  the  inhabitants  ;  that  the  Canadian 
people  were  not  industrious  in  cultivating  their 
farms." 

*  "  The  population  of  Michigan  miserable  farmers,  and  depended 
at  this  time,  was  about  5000  souls,  chiefly  on  hunting,  fishing,  and  trad- 
Most  of  those  who  cultivated  the  ing  witlr  the  Indians,  for  their  sup- 
land,  were  Canadians,  They  were  port." — Hull's  Memoirs,  page  76, 


372  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

Colonel  Watson  testified  (Hull's  Trial,  page  148) 
that  he  had  lived  in  the  Territory  of  Michigan  six  years., 
up  to  the  time  of  the  surrender ;  that  in  1810  he  had 
taken  the  census,  and  found  the  number  of  inhabit 
ants  in  the  whole  Territory  4762,  of  which  the  dis 
trict  of  Detroit,  which  extended  35  miles  along  the 
river,  contained  2227 ;  that  in  taking  the  census  he 
had  particularly  inquired  of  the  heads  of  families 
as  to  the  produce  of  the  country,  and  that  into  De 
troit  district  "  great  quantities  of  flour  and  whisky 
were  brought  from  New-York  and  Pennsylvania,  and 
of  cattle  and  hogs  from  Ohio ;  these  last  are  pur 
chased  by  the  inhabitants  for  their  consumption,  and 
in  times  of  peace,  they  are  also  purchased  by  the 
British  agents,  and  carried  to  Maiden.  The  cattle 
and  hogs  were  consumed  by  the  inhabitants." 

We  have,  then,  on  the  one  side,  the  opinions  of 
Colonel  Cass  and  others,  after  the  surrender  of  De 
troit,  founded  on  vague  impressions, conversations  with 
persons  unknown,  and  upon  ignorance  of  any  thing 
to  the  contrary,  that  there  was  provision  enough  in 
the  country  to  last  an  army  of  1500  men  two  or  three 
months.  On  the  other  hand,  we  have  the  written 
opinion  of  Colonel  Cass  before  the  surrender,  that 
supplies  must  come  from  Ohio,  for  that  Michigan  did 
not  furnish  them  ;  and  testimony  to  prove  that  the  in 
habitants  did  actually  purchase  provisions  for  their 
own  consumption,  from  Ohio  and  elsewhere. 

If  any  thing  more  is  needed  to  show  that  no  supplies 
could  be  procured  in  Michigan,  we  have  an  incidental 
proof  in  General  fkock's  letters.  Before  the  surren- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   373 

der,  we  have  seen,  that  he  supposed  that  General 
Hull  had  been  driven  into  Canada  by  want  of  provi 
sions.  And  in  a  letter,  dated  September  9th,  1812,* 
he  writes  thus  to  Sir  George  Prevost : 

"  It  appears  evident  the  enemy  meditates  a  second 
attempt  on  Amherstburg.  The  greater  parts  of  the 
troops  which  are  advancing,  marched  from  Kentucky, 
with  an  intention  of  joining  General  Hull.  How  they 
are  to  subsist,  even  for  a  short  period,  in  that  already 
exhausted  country,  is  no  easy  matter  to  conceive.  This 
difficulty  will  probably  decide  them  on  some  bold 
measure,  in  the  hope  of  shortening  the  campaign.  If 
successfully  resisted,  their  fate  is  inevitable." 

If  it  be  suggested,  that  if  General  Hull  had  de 
fended  himself,  supplies  would  have  been  brought 
from  Ohio  for  his  army,  accompanied  by  a  force  suffi 
ciently  large  to  open  the  communications,  and  keep 
them  open,  we  answer  this,  by  referring  again  to  Ge 
neral  Harrison's  vain  attempts  to  reach  Detroit  in  the 
fall  and  winter  of  1812.  He  had  ample  means  both 
in  men  and  supplies,  but  he  writes,  (October  22d, 
1812,)  "  to  get  supplies  forward,  through  a  swampy 
wilderness  of  near  200  miles,  in  wagons  or  on  pack- 
horses,  which  are  to  carry  their  provisions,  is  abso 
lutely  impossible."! 

If  it  be  said  that  General  Hull  might  have  saved 
iiis  army  by  a  retreat  to  the  Miami,  the  answer  is 
this  :  He  suggested  this  measure  to  his  officers,  when 
the  army  re-crossed  the  river  from  Canada,  and  was 

*  Life  of  Brock,  page  286.  Armstrong,  Notices^  &c.     VoL  1, 

f  Harrison's    letter,    quoted    by    page  59- 


374  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

told  that  if  he  did  this,  the  militia  would  desert  to  a 
man.  Nor  was  a  retreat  at  that  time  absolutely  ne 
cessary,  for  there  were  still  hopes  of  the  communica 
tion  being  opened  by  Millers  detachment.  When 
General  Brock  arrived,  it  was  too  late  to  retreat,  as 
General  Hull  shows,  in  the  following  passage  of  his 
Memoirs  of  the  Campaign,  pp.  98  and  99: 

"  I  must  ask  you,  in  this  case,  to  examine  some 
general  maps  of  the  country,  from  Detroit  to  the  foot 
of  the  Rapids  of  the  Miami  of  Lake  Erie.  The  dis 
tance  is  about  seventy  miles.  The  only  road  through 
which  I  could  have  retreated,  runs  from  Detroit  as 
far  as  Brownstown,  on  the  banks  of  the  Detroit  river^, 
about  twenty  miles,  and  from  Brownstown  to  the  foot 
of  the  Rapids,  about  fifty  miles ;  in  some  places  on, 
and  in  others  near  the  borders  of  Lake  Erie.  This 
road  was  very  difficult  to  pass,  a  great  part  of  it  be 
ing  through  a  wilderness,  and  had  only  been  opened 
by  an  army,  when  advancing  to  Detroit.  Its  course, 
for  seventy  miles,  being  on  the  margin  of  a  navigable 
river  and  the  Lake  ;  and  General  Brock  with  his  army 
being  opposite  to  Detroit,  with  a  number  of  armed 
vessels,  gun- boats,  and  a  sufficient  number  of  flats?, 
to  move  his  troops  on  the  water  ;  he  would  have  had 
such  an  advantage  in  attacking  a  retreating  army,  es 
pecially  when  aided  by  his  numerous  tribes  of  savages,, 
that  I  then  thought,  and  I  now  think,  that  an  attempt 
of  the  kind  would  have  resulted  in  the  total  destruc 
tion  of  the  army.  With  his  boats,  protected  by  his- 
armed  vessels  and  gun-boats,  his  troops  might  have 
been  moved  on  those  smooth  waters,,  with  the  great- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   375 

est  celerity,  and  landed  in  the  front,  rear,  or  on  the 
flank,  and  harassed  my  march  in  such  a  manner,  that 
it  would  have  been  impossible  to  have  effected  it : 
besides,  we  must  have  encountered  the  difficulty  of 
passing  a  number  of  rivers,  without  boats,  and  over 
which  there  were  no  bridges.  The  only  places  where 
some  of  these  rivers  could  have  baen  crossed,  were 
near  the  navigable  waters,  commanded  by  the  ene 
my's  naval  armament,  and  no  boats  could  have  been 
provided  for  the  purpose.  There  would  have  been 
no  other  mode  of  effecting  the  passage,  but  by  swim 
ming  or  constructing  rafts,  in  the  face  of  the  enemy." 

General  Hull  might,  no  doubt, -have  taken  mea 
sures  which  would  have  conduced  to  his  personal  ad 
vantage,  far  more  than  those  which  he  adopted.  If 
he  had  had  less  reason  and  judgment,  he  might  have 
attempted  to  take  Maiden  by  storm,  with  his  militia 
and  the  4th  regiment. 

No  one  who  knows  the  conduct  of  our  militia  in 
all  the  battles  in  which  they  were  engaged  in  1812, 
can  doubt,  that,  in  attacking  without  cannon,  a  forti 
fied  place,  defended- with  artillery,  they  would  have 
been  repulsed  with  disgrace  and  serious  loss.  There 
would  have  been  a  useless  waste  of  life  on  the  part  of 
the  army,  but  General  Hull  would  have  had  the  cre 
dit  for  courage  and  energy,  and  his  soldiers  would 
have  been  made  more  cautious  by  the  lesson.  Then, 
when  General  Brock  attacked  Detroit,  if  General 
Hull  had  been  a  less  disinterested  man,  and  had 
acted  in  reference  to  his  own  military  credit,  he  would 
have  attempted  to  defend  himself.  But  General  Hull 


376  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

had  long  since,  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  es 
tablished  his  character  as  a  man  of  courage,  and  a 
soldier  skilled  in  the  science  of  war.  He  considered 
that  it  devolved  upon  him  to  protect  the  inhabitants 
of  Detroit  from  the  tomahawk  of  the  savages,  and  he 
therefore  assumed  the  responsibility  of  a  capitulation, 
leaving  to  his  officers  and  troops  the  safe  glory  of 
boasling  what  they  would  have  done,  had  they  only 
been  permitted  to  fight. 

We  will  now  show  what  was  the  state  of  the  pro 
visions  at  Detroit,  at  the  time  of  the  surrender,  and 
we  think  it  will  appear  by  documentary  and  unques 
tionable  evidence,  that  they  must  have  been  nearly 
exhausted  at  that  time. 

Here  also  we  have,  on  one  side,  bold,  repeated  as 
sertions,  unsupported  by  any  facts;  and  on  the  other 
side,  we  have  arguments  and  proofs,  it  has  been  as 
serted  over  and  over  again,  and  continues  to  be  re 
peated,  that  there  were  ample  supplies  of  provisions 
at  Detroit,  at  the  surrender  ;  and  yet  the  testimony  of 
the  Government  witnesses  themselves,  goes  to  prove 
the  contrary. 

Colonel  Cass,  in  his  testimony  (Hull's  Trial,  page 
23),  asserts,  "  that  the  situation  of  the  army  in  re 
spect  to  provisions,  was  a  subject  of  frequent  conver 
sations  between  General  Hull  and  the  officers — that 
he  never  knew  or  understood,  that  the  army  was  in 
ivant,,  or  likely  to  want"  Yet  we  have  seen  above, 
that  he  wrote  to  Governor  Meigs,  that  the  very  exist 
ence  of  the  army  depended  on  supplies  being  sent  from 
Ohio;  and  to  his  brother-in-law,  Silliman,  that  pro- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   377 

visions  were,  or  would  be,  necessary  for  the  existence 
of  the  troops. 

Colonel  Cass,  in  giving  this  account  of  his  con 
versations  with  General  Hull,  evidently  means  to  con 
vey  the  impression,  that  the  fear  of  wanting  provi 
sions,  was  an  afterthought  with  General  Hull  him 
self,  and  intended  merely  to  justify  his  surrender.  But 
a  letter  of  General  Hull  to  the  Secretary  of  War,* 
dated  July  10th,  only  five  days  after  the  arrival  of  the 
army  at  Detroit,  speaks  in  the  strongest  manner  of 
the  want  of  provisions  which  must  ensue,  if  the  com 
munication  with  Ohio  is  not  kept  open  by  troops  sent 
from  that  State.  "  The  communication  must  be  se 
cured,  or  this  army  will  be  without  provisions.  This 
must  not  be  neglected  :  if  it  is,  this  army  will  perish 
with  hunger."  It  is  certainly  extraordinary,  that 
when  General  Hull  spoke  thus  strongly  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  of  the  probable  wants  of  his  army,  that 
he  should  never,  "  in  the  frequent  conversations," 
which  Colonel  Cass  says  he  had  with  him  on  this  sub- 

*  Hull's  Trial,  Appendix,  page  9.  either  hire  or  purchase  pack-horses 

"Sir, — Mr.  Beard,  Augustus   For-  to  transport  the  flour.     I  shall  draw 

ter's  agent  here,  informed  me,  that  on  you  for  the  money  necessary  for 

in  consequence  of  the  Lake  being  the   purpose.    The   communication 

closed  against  us,  he  cannot  furnish  must  be  secured,  or  this  army  will 

the  necessary  supplies  of  provisions,  be  without  provisions.     Troops  will 

I  have  therefore  authorized  Mr.  Jno.  be  absolutely  necessary  on  the  road 

H.  Platt  of  Cincinnati  (now  here)  to  protect  the  provisions.  This  must 

to   furnish  two   hundred   thousand  not  be  neglected  :  if  it  is,  this  army 

rations  of  flour,  and  the  same  quan-  will  perish  by  hunger, 
tity  of  beef.      I  have   engaged  to  I  am,  &c., 

give  him  5  per  cent,  on  the  amount  (Signed)  WILLIAM  HULL." 

of  purchases,  and  pay  his  necessary  Hon.  Wm.  Eustis. 
expenses  of  transportation  :  he  will          Detroit,  July  10, 1812. 


378  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

ject  of  provisions,  have  suggested  that  the  army  was 
even  likely  to  be  in  want.  It  seems  singular,  that 
they  should  have  talked  so  frequently  on  the  subject, 
if  there  was  no  possible  danger  of  want.  Why  did 
they  talk  about  provisions  at  all,  if  they  were  in  no 
danger  of  wanting  them  ? 

The  whole  evidence  which  exists  upon  the  state 
of  provisions  in  Detroit,  at  the  time  of  the  surrender, 
is  contained  in  the  testimony  given  upon  General 
Hull's  trial.  This  evidence  cannot  be  better  summed 
up  than  in  General  Hull's  own  language,  in  his  Me 
moirs  of  the  Campaign  of  1812  : 

"  Augustus  Porter,  of  the  State  of  New-York,  was 
the  contractor  for  furnishing  this  army.  David  Beard 
was  his  agent,  and  was  present  at  Detroit.  Mr.  Beard 
was  not  only  the  agent,  who  did  all  the  business  at 
Detroit,  but,  I  understood  from  him,  had  some  share 
in  the  profits  of  the  contract.  He  could  have  no  mo 
tive  to  have  diminished  the  quantity,  because  the  Uni 
ted  States  must  have  paid  for  all  that  was  on  hand  at 
the  time  of  the  capitulation.  It  will  appear  from  the 
minutes  of  the  trial,  that  his  testimony  was  the  last 
before  I  made  my  defence.  By  the  contractor's 
agent's  certificate,  it  will  appear  that,  on  the  9th  of 
July,  1812,  there  was  at  Detroit  125,000  rations  of 
flour,  and  70,666  rations  of  meat ;  and  that  on  the 
28th  of  July,  there  was  70,000  rations  of  flour,  and 
21, 000  of  meat. 

"  Mr.  Beard  has  certified  that  this  statement  was 
handed  to  me,  containing  the  provisions  in  the  con 
tractor's  store,  and  signed  by  him,  as  will  appear  by 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   379 

tne  proceedings  of  the  Court  Martial  on  my  trial.  By 
this  return,  it  will  be  seen  what  quantity  was  con 
sumed  from  the  9th  to  the  28th  of  July,  what  quan 
tity  remained  on  hand  the  28th  of  July — and  by  ob 
serving  the  same  rule  of  consumption,  it  will  appear 
what  quantity  would  have  been  in  store  on  the  16th 
of  August,  the  day  of  the  capitulation. 

"  By  the  data  here  given  it  will  be  shown,  that  if 
a  ration  of  meat  had  been  issued,  the  meat  would 
have  been  exhausted  on  the  6th  of  August,  ten  days 
before  the  capitulation.  And  if,  during  those  ten 
days,  after  the  meat  was  exhausted,  an  additional 
quantity  of  flour  had  been  issued,  to  make  up  the  ra 
tion,  as  was  the  case,  the  whole  of  the  flour  would 
have  been  exhausted  on  the  16th  of  August,  the  day 
of  the  capitulation.  It  appears  by  the  return  of  the 
contractor,  that  from  the  9th  to  the  28th  of  July, 
5334  rations  of  flour  more  than  of  meat  were  issued, 
and  that  practice  was  continued,  in  about  the  same 
proportion,  until  the  16th  of  August. 

"  Perhaps  it  may  be  asked  by  those  unacquainted 
with  my  situation  and  the  practice  of  armies,  why  so 
many  more  rations  were  daily  issued  than  the  num 
ber  of  effective  men  which  composed  the  army  :  I 
will  give  the  answer.  It  will  appear  by  the  foregoing 
memoirs,  that  the  officers  and  soldiers  from  Michili- 
mackinac  had  arrived  at  Detroit,  prisoners  on  parole, 
and  they  had  no  other  means  of  subsistence,  but  to 
receive  rations.  It  likewise  appears,  that  a  large 
number  of  old  Indian  chiefs  and  sachems  daily  visited 
our  camp,  and  were  fed  from  the  public  stores,  by  or 
der  of  the  Government." 


380  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

III.  We  will  now  examine  more  particularly  the 
number  of  troops  under  the  command  of  General 
Brock  and  General  Hull,  respectively,  at  the  time  of 
the  surrender  of  Detroit. 

The  most  erroneous  accounts  have  been  given 
and  repeated  upon  this  point ;  one  writer  copying 
another,  and  no  one  going  back  to  .examine  the  evi 
dence  on  either  side.  General  Hull's  troops  have 
been  exaggerated  to  numbers  far  greater  than  even 
the  Government  witnesses  testified  as  composing  his 
army,  at  the  surrender.  General  Brock's  troops  have, 
in  the  same  way,  been  reduced  below  the  number 
which  he  himself  admits  to  have  crossed  the  river 
with  him  to  the  attack.  Sometimes  writers  have 
contradicted  themselves  as  well  as  the  facts.  Thus 
Mr.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll,  the  latest  historian  of  the 
War,  says  (page  81),  that  Brock  crossed  "  the  straits 
from  Sandwich  to  Detroit  with  some  1200  men ;" 
and  presently  after  (page  82)  says,  "  when  Brock 
crossed  the  straits  to  attack  Detroit,  his  whole  force, 
white,  red,  and  black,  was  but  1030."  Meantime 
Brock  himself,  in  his  official  report  of  the  surrender, 
which  Mr.  Ingersoll  might  have  found  in  half  a  dozen 
histories,  admits  his  force  to  have  been  1330,  and 
specifies  the  number  of  regulars,  militia,  and  In 
dians.* 


*  General  Hull's  force  has  been  General  Brock  (Off.  Rep.),  2500. 

thus  variously  estimated  by  different  Colonel  Cass  (Letter  September 

writers;—  '  10th,  1812),  1060. 

In  "  Defence  of  General  Dear-  Ingersoll  (History  of  Second 

born,"  by  his  son,  at  2465.  War,  page  82),  1350. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   33] 

General  Brock's  account  of  his  troops,  as  con 
tained  in  his  official  report  to  Sir  George  Prevost,  dated 
August  17th,  1812,  states  his  forces  to  have  been  as 
follows  (Brock's  Life,  p.  250)  : 

"  The  force  which  I  instantly  directed  to  march 
against  the  enemy,  consisted  of  30  artillery,  240  of 
41st  regiment,  50  Royal  Newfoundland  regiment, 
400  militia,  and  about  600  Indians,  to  which  were 
attached  three  six-pounders  and  two  three-pounders." 
General  Brock's  numbers  then,  by  his  own  account? 
which  he  led  to  the  attack  of  Detroit,  were  at  least 
1330.  But  he  does  not  profess  to  give  the  number 
of  the  Indians  with  accuracy,  and  the  probability  is, 
that  it  was  much  greater  than  is  here  stated.  By  a 
statement  of  Captain  Glegg,  General  Brock's  aid-de 
camp,  it  appears,  that  three  days  before,  a  thousand 
Indians  attended  a  Council ;  and  that  these  were  war 
riors,  appears  from  his  saying,  that  their  equipment 
was  generally  very  imposing.*  Moreover,  Lieutenant 
Forbush,  an  American  prisoner  at  Maiden,  testified, 
on  General  Hull's  trial,f  that  he  counted,  on  15th  of 
August,  six  hundred  warriors,  passing  up  (that  is  to 
say,  from  Maiden  to  Sandwich),  some  on  horseback 
and  some  on  foot.  But  a  large  body  of  Indians 
had  attended  General  Brock's  army,  the  previous  day, 
from  Maiden  to  Sandwich,  and  were  seen  by  hundreds 
of  persons  from  the  opposite  bank.  Now,  as  Sand 
wich  is  18  miles  from  Maiden,  the  600  Indians  whom 
Forbush  counted  at  Maiden,  on  the  15th,  must  have 

*  Brock's  Life,  p.  228.  f  Forbes'  Report,  p.  146. 


382  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

been  exclusive  of  the  hundreds  who  were  at  Sand 
wich  that  very  time.     General  Brock,  then,  had  with 
him  probably  at  least  1600  or  1700  men,  when  he  at 
tacked  Detroit.     Let  us  now  see  how  many  General 
Hull  had  with  him  at  the  same  time. 

By  a  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  April 
9th,  1812,  the  number  of  troops*  originally  put  under 
his  command  were,  1200  militia  from  the  State  of 
Ohio,  and  the  4th  United  States  regiment,  consisting 
of  300  men.  By  a  return  dated  Fort  Findlay,  June 
26th,  while  on  his  march,  General  Hull's  army  at  that 
time,  amounted  to  2075.  But  this  included  all  those 
on  the  rolls  of  the  regiments,  whether  absent  or 
present.  It  also  included  a  number  of  straggling 
volunteers,  who  were  not  under  General  Hull's  com 
mand,  because  unauthorized  by  the  President's  order 
to  Governor  Meigs ;  it'  included  also  the  wagoners, 
pack-horse  men,  and  other  camp  attendants,  whose 
names  must  be  in  the  returns,  in  order  that  they  might 
draw  rations.  Thus  the  number  of  the  4th  regi 
ment  is  stated  in  this  return  at  483,  whereas  its  actual 
number  was  much  less. 

Captain  Snelling  states  that  it  had  not  more  than 
320  effective  men,  and  in  the  aggregate  about  400.f 
Colonel  Miller  states  the  effective  force  of  the  regi 
ment  on  16th  August,  at  250  or  260.J 

The  troops  originally  put  under   General  Hull's 

*  Hull's  Memoirs,  page  55.  was  the  strength  of  the  4th  regi~ 

f  Snelling's  testimony,  Hull's  ment  on  the  last  day  of  July,  or  the 

Trial,  page  42.  first  of  August,  including  the  de- 

I  Colonel's  Miller's  testimony,  tachment  of  the  first  ?"  Ans.  "  I 

Hull's  Trial,  p.  111.     Ques.  "What  cannot   say    precisely,  about  300, 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   333 

command,  consisted  of  1500  men.  To  these  are  to 
be  added  the  garrison  of  Detroit,  consisting  of  50, 
the  volunteers  who  remained  with  the  army  amount 
ing  to  perhaps  100,  and  the  militia  of  Michigan. 
The  whole  population  of  Michigan  consisted  of  5000 
souls,  and  was  scattered  along  the  shores  of  the  lake 
and  river,vand  was  exposed  to  Indian  depredations 
and  attacks.  Few  of  the  militia,  therefore,  could  be 
spared  from  the  defence  of  their  homes.  Major  Jes- 
sup  states  the  number  of  Michigan  militia  at  400,  but 
this  yicludes  those  absent  from  Detroit. 

The  only  testimony  to  the  number  of  militia  ac 
tually  present  on  the  16th  of  August,  is  that  of  Co- 
loriel  Watson  (Trial  of  Gen.  Hull,  p.  149),  who 
states  the  number  under  Colonel  Brush  on  that  day, 
at  150,  he  being  himself  with  them  at  the  time.  The 
whole  number  of  troops  under  General  Hull's  com 
mand  from  the  beginning  of  his  march  until  the  sur 
render,  was  therefore, 

1.  Ohio  Militia,  .  .  .  1200 

2.  4th  United  States  regiment,       .  .         300 
3    Michigan  Militia,   .  150 

4.  Garrison  at  Detroit,     ...  50 

5.  Ohio  Volunteers,    ...  100 

1800 

From  this  number,  we  must  subtract  those  left 
behind  killed,  missing,  detached,  &c.,  namely : 

principally  in  good  health."     Ques.     were  about  250  or  2GO,  effective  for 
"  What  was  its  force  on  the  morning     duty." 
of  the  surrender  ?"     Ans.   "  There 


384 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


1.  Three  Block-houses,  built  and  garrisoned,  say, 

2.  Fort  on  the  Miami,  garrisoned,  (2) 

3.  Made  prisoners  on  vessel,   (3) 

4.  Left  sick  at  River  Raisin,  (4) 

5.  Killed,  wounded,  &c.,  4th  August,  (5) 

6.  Do.  do.  8th       do.       (6) 

7.  Detachment  under  Me  Arthur,  (7) 

8.  Sick,  (") 

Subtract  840  from  1800  leaves  960. 


0)30 

30 

50 

25 

75 

80 

350 

200 


840 


We  will  now  give  other  testimony  as  to  the^num- 
ber  of  General  Hull's  troops. 


*  (1)  Ten  men  for  each  block 
house  is  certainly  not  a  large  allow 
ance.  (2)  A  subaltern  officer  and 
30  men  were  left  at  this  place,  by 
order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 
(Hull's  Memoirs,  p.  119.)  (3) 
Forbush's testimony.  "Dr.  Edwards 
was  directed  to  take  chief  part  of 
the  hospital  stores,  and  as  many  of 
the  men,  most  sick,  as  the  vessel 
could  carry."  Cass's  testimony, 
Trial,  p.  17.  "  About  40  or  59  men, 
invalids,  his  (witness's)  own  servant, 
and  part  of  his  baggage,  were  in  the 
vessel."  (4)  Hall's  Memoirs,  p. 
119.  (5)  Vanhorne's  testimony, 
Hull's  Trial,  page  70.  Hull's  Me 
moirs,  p.  119.  (6)  Colonel  Miller's 
testimony,  Hull's  Trial,  p.  108. 
"The  loss  in  the  battle,  in  killed 
and  wounded  was  81  :  he  thinks  17 
killed  on  the  ground  and  64  wound 
ed.  -(7)  Hull's  Trial,  Cass's  testi 
mony,  p.  23.  "  Colonel  Cass  then 


said,  that  he  left  Detroit  on  the  14th 
August,  in  the  evening,  with  a  de 
tachment  of  about  350  men,  under 
Colonel  McArthur.  (8)  As  the 
hospital  stores  and  medicines  had 
been  taken  in  the  packet  by  the 
British,  the  sick  were  numerous. 
We  estimate  them  at  200,  for  the 
following  reasons.  Captain  East 
man,  of  4th  U.  S.  regiment,  testified 
on  Hull's  Trial,  p.  99,  that  "  the 
grand  aggregate  of  that  regiment, 
including  a  small  detachment  of  the 
Is/,  then  unfit  for  duty,  and  the  sick, 
was  345,  on  15th  August.  Colonel 
Miller  testified  p.  Ill,  that  on  the 
morning  of  August  16,  there  were 
about  250  or  260  effective  for  duty," 
consequently  there  must  have  been 
nearly  100  men  disabled  and  sick  in 
this  single  regiment.  We  cannot 
therefore  estimate  the  number  of 
sick  in  all  four  regiments  at  less 
than  200  men. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   335 

1.  General  Hull,  in  his  official  despatch  giving  an 
account  of  the   surrender,  says :  "  At   this  time   the 
whole  effective  force  at  my  disposal   at  Detroit,  did 
not  exceed  800  men." 

2.  Major  Jessup's  testimony  is  more  particular. 
In  Forbes'  Report  of  Hull's  Trial,  it  is  as  follows : 
"  He  stated  also  that  he  had  received  a  report  from 
different  adjutants  of  different  corps,  estimating  the 
men  fit  for  action,  and  thinks  that  the  amount  (as 
stated  in  General  Cass's  letter)  exceeded  1000  men, 
including  the  Michigan  militia  of  400,  and  the  de 
tachments  absent  with  Colonels  Cass  and  McArthur ; 
perhaps  this  estimation  includes  the  Michigan  legion. 

*  *  *  There  were  also  some  30  or  40  armed 
wagoners." — Hull's  Trial,  p.  94.  If  we  subtract 
from  1060  the  350  men  absent  under  Cass  and  Mc 
Arthur,  and  add  the  40  wagoners,  the  whole  number 
of  troops  present,  according  to  Major  Jessup,  would 
be  about  750. 

3.  Major  Jessup,  in  his  testimony  on  the  trial, 
page  96,  furnishes  us  with  another  estimate  of  the 
number  of  General  Hull's  troops  on  16th  of  August,, 
which  makes  it  considerably  larger  than  that  just 
given.     During   his   cross-examination    by    General 
Hull,  he  was  asked,  "  Do  you  recollect  the  paper  now 
presented,  and  in  the  words  'effective  aggregate  of 
the  three  regiments,  about  700  '?" 

Answer.  "  It  is  in  my  handwriting,  and  was  hand 
ed  by  me  to  General  Hull,  on  the  evening  of  August 
15th.  The  wagoners  of  the  regiments,  I  believe, 
were  included  in  the  estimate,  but  the  4th  regiment 

25 


386  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

was  not ;  it  was  only  what  remained  of  Cass  and 
Me  Arthur's,  and  the  whole  of  Colonel  Findlay's  re 
giment,  and  so  explained  at  the  time." 

Major  Jessup  evidently  included  in  this  estimate 
all  the  effective  force,  except  the  4th  regiment,  even 
to  the  wagoners.  He  makes  it  about  700  :  add  the 
effective  of  the  4th,  (by  Colonel  Miller's  testimony, 
250  or  260  men,)  and  we  have,  as  the  total  effective 
force  under  General  Hull's  command  at  the  time  of 
the  surrender,  about  950  men.  But  as  he  says 
"about  700  men,"  he  may  have  exaggerated  the 
numbers.  We  have  then  the  following  estimates  of 
General  Hull's  troops  : 

1.  Calculation   of  the  numbers  originally  under 

his  command,  by   subtracting   those   killed, 
detached,  sick,  &c.  960 

2.  General  Hull's  own  statement,  800 

3.  Major  Jessup's  first  statement,  750 

4.  Major  Jessup's  second  estimate,  950 

5.  Colonel  Cass's  estimate  in  his  letter  of  Sept.  10, 

makes  the  number  1060 

But  Colonel  Cass  was  absent  at  the  time,  and 
Major  Jessup  tells  us  that  the  estimate  in  Colonel 
Cass's  letter  was  derived  from  himself.  Now,  accord 
ing  to  Forbes'  Report  of  the  Trial,  Major  Jessup's 
testimony,  given  under  oath,  makes  the  number  300 
less.  Almost  all  subsequent  writers,  in  giving  the 
number  of  General  Hull's  troops,  have  followed  Co 
lonel  Cass,  and  made  it  amount  to  1060,  instead  of 
recurring  to  the  testimony,  which  would  have  shown 
it  to  be  much  less.  If  we  take  the  average  of  the 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   337 

first  four  estimates,  which  is  865,  we  shall  probably 
have  the  number  of  General  Hull's  effective  force,  as 
nearly  as  it  can  now  be  ascertained. 

IV".  We  have  shown,  that  an  army  destitute  of 
provisions,  and  cut  off  from  its  supplies,  and  which 
cannot  re-open  its  communications,  must  inevitably 
fall:  that  General  Hull's  army  was  thus  destitute,  and 
thus  incapable  of  opening  its  communications.  We 
have  shown  that  to  succeed  in  the  enterprise  intrusted 
to  General  Hull,  there  was  necessary  the  command 
of  Lake  Erie  ;  ample  reinforcements  from  Ohio,  to 
keep  open  the  road  through  the  wilderness,  and  to 
support  his  army  in  its  movements  ;  and  co-operation 
at  Niagara.  We  have  seen  that  he  had  no  reinforce 
ments  from  Ohio,  that  the  Lake  was  under  the  con 
trol  of  the  British,  and  from  the  absence  of  co-ope 
ration  at  Niagara,  and  the  armistice  of  Dearborn, 
Prevost  and  Brock  were  enabled  to  accumulate  troops 
at  Maiden  and  Sandwich.  We  have  seen  that  by 
the  fall  of  Mackinaw,  the  Indians  and  British  from 
the  Northwest  were  thrown  upon  Detroit :  finally, 
we  have  endeavoured  to  prove,  that  at  the  time  of  the 
surrender,  General  Hull's  effective  force  could  not 
have  exceeded  865,  while  those  of  Brock  must  have 
amounted  at  least  to  1600  or  1700  men  ;  besides  large 
numbers  of  Indians  near  at  hand,  ready  to  reinforce 
him. 

It  only  remains  for  us  now  to  prove,  that  this 
condition  of  things  was  not  the  fault  of  General  Hull, 
but  was  owing  to  the  neglect,  ignorance,  errors,  or 
inability  of  the  Administration  at  Washington,  and 
of  the  Commander-in-chief,  General  Dearborn. 


388  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

1.  It  was  certainly  not  General  Hull's  fault,  that 
the  British  had  the  command  of  Lake  Erie,  for  we 
have  shown  that  in   1809,  1811,  and  1812,  he  ad 
dressed    official    communications    to    the    American 
Government,  urging  upon  them  the  importance  of 
gaining  the  control  of  the  Lakes. 

2.  It  certainly  was  not  the  fault  of  General  Hull 
that  his  communications  through  Ohio  were  inter 
cepted.     It  could  not  possibly  be  expected  that  with 
an  army  of  less  than  1200  men,  he   should  stretch 
back  along  a  line  of  two  hundred   miles,  through  a 
wilderness  filled  with  savages,  while  he  was  at  the 
same  time  defending  himself  against  a  superior  force 
in  front.    He  made  three  separate  attempts  to  re-open 
his  communications,  one  of  which,  though  victorious, 
did  not  succeed  in  penetrating  twenty  miles. 

3.  It  certainly  was  not  General  Hull's  fault  that  he 
was  not  reinforced   from   Ohio,  for  as   early  as  July 
5th  he  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  that  "  troops 
would  be  absolutely  necessary  on  the  road,  to  protect 
provisions."     On   July  29th  he  wrote  to  Governor 
Meigs  of  Ohio,  Governor  Scott  of  Kentucky,  and  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  requesting  an  immediate  rein 
forcement  of  2000  men.     And  before  assuming  the 
command  of  the  army,  he  informed   the  Secretary  of 
War  that  three  thousand  men  would  be  necessary.* 

4.  It  certainly  was  not  General  Hull's  fault   that 
there  was  no  co-operation  at  Niagara.     According  to 
the  plan  of  the  campaign,  as  understood  and  agreed 

*  Gen.  P.  B.  Porter's  testimony,    mode  of  supplying  them,  and  then 
Hull's  Trial,   page     127.      "  Gen.     proposed  3000  men." 
Hull  talked  of  provisions,  and  the 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   339 

upon  between  General  Dearborn  and  the  Secretary 
of  War,  Canada  was  to  be  invaded  simultaneously 
by  four  armies,  one  at  Detroit,  one  at  Niagara,  one  at 
Sacket's  Harbour,  and  one  at  Lake  Champlain,  If 
any  thing  like  this  had  been  attempted,  there  is  no 
doubt  that  it  might  have  been  easily  accomplished, 
and  Canada  must  have  fallen.  All  the  preparations 
should  have  been  completed  before  the  declaration  of 
war.  But  in  fact  General  Hull's  army  was  the  only 
one  which  was  ready  for  action.  Yet  even  then,  by 
a  vigorous  effort,  forces  might  have  been  accumulated 
at  Niagara  and  at  Sacket's  Harbour,  which  would  have 
made  it  impossible  for  Prevost  or  Brock  to  send  any 
reinforcements  to  Maiden,  But  nothing  could  ex 
cuse  the  dilatoriness  of  Government  in  its  prepara 
tions  and  movements.  It  was  not  till  eight  days  af 
ter  war  was  declared,  that  the  Secretary  wrote  to 
General  Dearborn,  to  tell  him  that  after  he  had  made 
the  necessary  arrangements  for  the  defence  of  the  sea 
board,  he  was  to  go  to  Albany  and  make  preparations 
to  move  in  the  direction  of  Niagara,  Kingston,  and 
Montreal.*  In  this  letter  he  is  told  to  "  take  his  own 
time,"  as  though  a  little  delay  might  be  of  service, 
and  the  danger  to  be  apprehended,  was  that,  of  too 
great  despatch. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  thirteen  days  after  this,  the 
Secretary  of  War  remembers,  that  there  was  some 
plan  for  invading  Canada,  and  writes  to  General 
Dearborn,  telling  him,  "  the  period  has  arrived,  when 

*  Note  .2(1  in  Appendix- 


390  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

jour  services  are  required  in  Albany,"  and  orders  him 
after  he  shall  have  placed  the  works  on  the  sea-coast 
in  the  best  state  of  defence,  to  "  order  all  the  re 
cruits  not  otherwise  disposed  of,  to  march  immediate 
ly  to  Albany."*  The  principle  of  the  worthy  Secre 
tary  evidently  was,  one  thing  at  a  time.  First 
arrange  every  thing  on  the  sea-coast,  and  then  it  will 
be  time  enough  to  think  about  Canada.  As  to  Gen 
eral  Hull's  army,  that  is  a  good  way  off,  and  we  have 
not  heard  any  thing  about  it  yet,  and  we  can  leave 
that  to  take  care  of  itself  just  now.  July  20,  that  is, 
ten  days  after  this,  the  Secretary  begins  to  wonder 
what  has  become  of  General  Hull's  army,  and  to 
think,  that  a  little  co-operation  would  be  desirable. 
He  therefore  writes  to  General  Dearborn,  that  he  is 
in  daily  expectation  of  hearing  from  General  Hull, 
who  probably  arrived  at  Detroit  on  the  8th  instant. 
"You  will  make  such  arrangements  with  Governor 
Tompkins,  as  will  place  the  militia  detached  by  him 
for  Niagara  and  other  posts  on  the  Lakes  under  your 
control,  and  there  should  be  a  communication,  and  if 
practicable  a  co-operation  throughout  the  whole  fron 
tier."  By  this  time,  it  seems,  the  Secretary  has 
come  to  think  a  co-operation  in  the  movements  of  his 
armies  a  desirable  thing,  though  not  very  practicable. 
But  after  reflecting  upon  it  six  days  longer^  he  writes 
to  General  Dearborn,  on  July  26th,  telling  him  that 
he  had  heard  of  General  Hull's  arrival  at  Detroit^ 
and  says,  "  arrangements  should  be  immediately 

*  Records  of  War  Office,  VoL  6,  Folios  15  and  16. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   39] 

made  by  you  to  co-operate  with  him  at  Niagara," — 
co-operation  he  evidently  now  believes  to  be  practi 
cable,  as  well  as  desirable. 

While  these  reflections  were  passing  through  the 
mind  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  how  was  General 
Dearborn  occupied  ?  Pursuing  the  wise  and  military 
maxim  of  '  one  thing  at  a  time,'  he  was  busily  en 
gaged  in  dividing  his  recruits  among  the  forts  along 
the  sea-coast,  putting  twenty  men  in  one  and  fifty  in 
another,  as  might  be  necessary. 

After  this  important  business  was  settled,  the 
Commander-in-chief  goes  to  Albany,  to  carry  on  the 
campaign  against  Canada.  One  thing,  however, 
rather  puzzles  him — "  Who  has  the  command  at  Ni 
agara  ?"  On  the  20th  July,  some  three  weeks  after 
General  Hull's  arrival  at  Detroit,  he  writes  to  the 
Secretary  of  Wrar  to  ask,  whether  it  was  he  himself 
or  some  one  else,  who  was  in  command  of  the  oper 
ations  in  Upper  Canada.*  One  would  think  it  was 
about  time  for  him  to  know.  Finding  by  the  Secre 
tary's  letter  of  July  20th  and  26th,  that  it  was  actually 
himself  who  was  to  command  on  the  frontier,  he  pro 
ceeds,  not  without  due  deliberation  apparently,  (for 
it  is  eighteen  days  after  the  date  of  the  Secretary's 
first  letter,  and  seven  days  after  the  receipt  of  the 
second  at  Albany,)  to  order  troops  toward  Niagara. 
Probably  this  delay  of  a  week  in  issuing  his  orders 


*  Extract  from  a  letter  from  Gene-  mand   of  the  operations  in  Upper 

ral  Dearborn  to  the   Secretary  of  Canada  ?     I  take  it  for  granted  that 

War,  dated  Greenbush,  July  20th,  my  command  does  not  extend  to. 

1812,     "  Who  is  to  have  the  com-  that  distant  quarter." 


392  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

after  he  had  received  the  Secretary's  letter  of  the 
26th,  containing  the  most  unequivocal  instructions  to 
make  a  diversion  on  the  Niagara,  was  owing  to  his 
being  aware,  that  it  would  be  too  late  to  be  of  any 
service.  For  he  says  in  his  letter  of  August  7th  to 
the  Secretary,  after  speaking  of  the  reinforcements 
which  he  had  ordered  to  Niagara,  "  I  trust  they 
will  move  soon,  but  too  late,  1  fear,  to  make  the  di 
version  in  favour  of  General  Hull,  which  is  so  desira 
ble."  However,  on  the  7th  and  8th  August  General 
Dearborn  did  at  last  begin  to  order  troops  to  Niagara, 
to  effect  a  diversion  in  General  Hull's  favour.  But 
on  the  9th  he  concluded  an  armistice,  by  which  he 
bound  himself  to  act  solely  on  the  defensive,  thus  al 
lowing  General  Brock  to  take  all  his  troops  from  Ni 
agara,  if  he  chose,  and  carry  them  to  Detroit,  to  act 
offensively  there,  while  he  prevented  himself  from 
making  any  attack  at  Niagara.  The  course  of  Gen 
eral  Dearborn  in  all  this  affair,  is  really  most  extraor 
dinary. 

On  July  20th  he  writes  to  know  who  has  the 
command  at  Niagara.  On  July  31st  he  receives  the 
Secretary's  letter,  telling  him  that  he  has  the  com 
mand,  and  instructing  him  to  co-operate  with  General 
Hull  immediately,  by  offensive  movements  at  Niagara. 
August  7th  and  8th  he  proceeds  to  obey  these  in 
structions,  by  ordering  troops  and  artilleries  to  move 
without  delay  to  Niagara.  And  August  9th  he 
signs  an  armistice,  by  which  he  prevents  himself  from 
making  any  offensive  demonstrations  at  Niagara  or 
any  where  else,  but  allows  General  Brock  to  march 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       393 

all  the  troops  in  Upper  Canada  against  General  Hull. 
The  terms  of  the  armistice  were,  that  the  troops  on 
both  sides  should  confine  themselves  to  defensive  ope 
rations,  except  at  Detroit,  but  that  General  Hull  was 
to  be  left  at  liberty,  either  to  accede  to  the  armistice 
or  to  continue  offensive  operations.  After  depriving 
himself  of  all  power  for  aiding  General  Hull  by  offen 
sive  movements,  the  next  best  thing  for  General 
Dearborn  to  have  done,  would  have  have  been,  to 
have  given  General  Hull  an  immediate  opportunity  of 
deciding  whether  to  come  into  the  armistice  or  not. 
A  communication  might  have  been  sent  by  express, 
and  have  reached  General  Hull  in  six  or  seven  days. 
If  this  had  been  done,  it  would  have  prevented  the 
surrender  of  Detroit :  for  the  letter  would  have  ar 
rived  there  on  or  before  August  15th,  and  the  orders 
of  Sir  George  Prevost  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities, 
which  were  imperative,  might  have  been  communicat 
ed  to  General  Brock.  But  instead  of  sending  this 
important  communication  by  express,  it  was  actually 
nine  days  in  going  from  Albany  to  Lewistown,* 
travelling  at  the  rate  of  about  35  miles  a  day  ! 
General  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn,  in  his  defence  of  his  fa 
ther,  argues,  that  the  armistice  concluded  by  him 
with  Sir  George  Prevost,  could  not  have  been  inju 
rious  to  General  Hull,  because  General  Brock  says  in 
a  letter,  dated  August  25th,  that  he  did  not  hear  that 
a  cessation  of  hostilities  had  been  agreed  upon,  until 
his  return  to  Fort  Erie  from  Detroit.!  It  may  be 

*  Note  4th  in  the  Appendix.  f  Defence  of  General  Dearborn 

by  his  son. 


394  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

true  that  General  Brock  did  not  hear  that  the  armis 
tice  had  been  actually  concluded,  before  his  departure 
for  Detroit,  but  there  is  every  reason  to  believe,  that 
he  knew  it  was  in  contemplation.  General  Brock 
did  not  leave  York  till  the  6th  of  August,*  and  on 
the  2d  of  August,  Sir  George  Prevost  wrote  to 
him  express  from  Quebec,  informing  him  of  the  pro 
posed  arrangement,  and  also  that  he  had  ordered  re 
inforcements  to  proceed  to  Upper  Canada. f  But 
even  though  General  Brock  had  not  heard  of  the  ar 
mistice  before  his  return  from  Detroit  and  Niagara, 
this  does  not  justify  General  Dearborn  in  agreeing  to 
it,  to  the  exclusion  of  General  Hull.  He  ought  to 
have  known,  that  its  effect  would  be  to  enable  Gene 
ral  Brock  to  move  with  his  whole  force  against  De 
troit.  And  there  is  no  doubt  that  General  Brock 
would  never  have  ventured  to  leave  Niagara  with  so 
large  a  body  of  troops,  had  he  not  been  satisfied  that 
no  movement  of  hostile  aggression  would  be  made  by 
the  Americans  from  that  point.  For  this  want  of  co 
operation,  General  Dearborn  or  the  Administration  is 
certainly  answerable.  We  do  not  wish  to  speak  with 
undue  severity  of  either.  General  Dearborn  had 
probably  no  other  motive  in  all  his  operations  than  to 
fulfil  his  duty,  but  the  effect  of  his  supineness  in  ac 
tion,  and  his  unjustifiable  armistice,  were  as  fatal  to 
General  Hull  as  though  there  had  been  a  determina 
tion  to  sacrifice  him  by  inaction,  or  by  connivance 
with  the  enemy  in  entering  into  the  armistice. 

*  Life  of  Major-General  Brock,        f  Note  5th  in  Appendix, 
page  224. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   395 

No  doubt  the  Administration  carried  on  the  war  in 
as  efficient  manner  as  its  means  and  ability  permitted. 
But  no  reflecting  person  who  studies  the  history  of 
the  war  can  avoid  the  conclusion,  that  our  failures  and 
misfortunes  in  the  first  campaign,  were  owing  almost 
exclusively  to  the  want  of  sufficient  preparation  be 
fore  war  was  declared,  and  the  want  of  co-operation 
and  celerity  of  action  after  it  had  commenced.  For 
neither  of  these  can  blame  be  attached  to  General 
Hull. 

Some  may  blame  him  for  not  fighting.  'Tis  true, 
that  by  pursuing  an  opposite  course,  he  would  have 
rescued  his  reputation  from  the  imputation  of  coward 
ice,  but  a  man  who  had  fought  nine  battles  during 
the  Revolutionary  War,  and  had  twice  been  promoted 
for  his  bravery  and  gallant  conduct,  did  not  feel  him 
self  called  upon,  unnecessarily  to  expose  to  the  ruthless 
tomahawk  of  unrelenting  savages,  men,  women,  and 
children,  who  had  fled  to  the  fort  for  protection, 
merely  to  shield  a  reputation,  which  many  years  be 
fore  had  been  severely  tried,  and  had  established  for 
itself  a  character  for  unquestioned  courage. 

General  Hull  cannot  justly  be  blamed  for  the 
fall  of  Detroit,  arid  the  surrender  of  his  army,  for  both 
must  have  occurred,  however  he  might  have  acted. 
Want  of  preparation  and  co-operation  on  the  part  of 
the  Government  and  General  Dearborn,  with  the  ar 
mistice  of  the  latter,  made  these  events  inevitable. 


396  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE  COURT  MARTIAL. — How  CONSTITUTED,  AND  ITS  CHARACTER. — ITS  DECISION 

AND  SENTENCE. — CONCLUSION. 

WE  now  pass  to  speak  of  General  Hull's  Trial  by 
a  Court  Martial,  and  to  show  what  influences  were 
used  against  him,  and  by  what  means  the  public  mind 
became  possessed  with  the  belief  that  he  was  either 
a  traitor,  or  a  coward,  or  both. 

We  have  mentioned  the  extravagant  expectations 
which  had  been  entertained  by  great  numbers  of  the 
people,  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  of  the  ease 
with  which  the  Canadas  would  be  conquered  by  the 
armies  of  the  United  States.  Men  of  more  wisdom 
and  experience,  however,who  knew  the  real  difficulties 
of  such  an  enterprise,  had  formed  quite  a  different 
opinion.  Among  these  was  General  Harrison,  who, 
as  will  be  seen  from  the  following  extracts  from  his 
letters  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  early  foresaw^  the 
probable  defeat  of  General  Hull's  army,  and  the  fall 
of  Detroit.  In  a  letter  of  August  6th,  1812,*  he  says : 
"The  information  received  a  day  or  two  ago  from 
Detroit,  is  of  the  most  unpleasant  nature  :  the  loss  of 
Mackinaw  will  probably  be  followed  by  the  capture 
of  Fort  Dearborn  (or  Chicago)  ;  and  the  suspension  of 

*  Dawson's  Life  of  Harrison,  p.  275. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   397 

offensive  operations  by  General  Hull's  army  will,  I 
fear,  give  great  strength  to  the  British  party  among 
the  Indians.  *  *  *  It  is  my  opinion,  that  it  will  be  the 
object  of  the  British,  to  draw  as  many  of  the  Indians 
as  possible  towards  Maiden,  to  cut  off  the  supplies 
from,  and  ultimately  to  capture,  General  Hull's  army." 
In  a  letter  of  August  10th,  he  thus  speaks  :  "  If  it  were 
certain  that  General  Hull  would  be  able,  even  with 
the  reinforcement  which  is  now  about  to  be  sent  to 
him,  to  reduce  Maiden  and  retake  Mackinaw,  there 
would  be  no  necessity  of  sending  other  troops  in  that 
direction.  But  I  greatly  fear,  that  the  capture  of 
Mackinaw  will  give  such  eclat  to  the  British  and  In 
dians,  that  the  Northern  Tribes  will  pour  down  in 
swarms  upon  Detroit,  oblige  General  Hull  to  act  on 
the  defensive,  and  meet  and  perhaps  overpower  the 
convoys  and  reinforcements  which  may  be  sent  to 
him.  It  appears  to  me,  indeed,  highly  probable,  that 
the  large  detachment  which  is  now  destined  for  his 
relief  under  Colonel  Wells,  will  have  to  fight  its  way. 
I  rely  greatly  on  the  valour  of  those  troops,  but  it  is 
possible  that  the  event  may  be  adverse  to  us,  and  if 
it  is,  Detroit  must  fall — arid  with  it  every  hope  of  re 
establishing  our  affairs  in  that  quarter,  until  the  next 
year.  I  am  also  apprehensive  that  the  provisions 
which  are  to  be  sent  with  Colonel  Wells,  are  by  no 
means  equal  to  the  supply  of  the  army  for  any  length 
of  time,  increased  as  it  will  be  by  this  detachment. 
They  must  then  depend  upon  small  convoys,  which 
can  never  reach  their  destination  in  safety,  if  the 
British  and  Indians  think  proper  to  prevent  it.  Com- 


398  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

manding  as  they  do  the  navigation  of  the  Lake,  the 
British  can,  with  the  utmost  facility,  transfer  their 
force  from  the  one  side  of  it  to  the  other ;  meet  our 
detachments  and  overpower  them,  if  they  are  small, 
while  performing  a  laborious  and  circuitous  march 
through  a  swampy  country,  at  any  point  they  think 
proper.  To  prevent  these  disasters,  or  to  remedy 
them  should  they  occur,  a  considerable  covering  army 
appears  to  me  to  be  the  only  alternative :  for  should 
any  of  my  apprehensions  be  realized,  it  is  out  of  the 
question  to  suppose  that  troops  could  be  collected 
time  enough  to  render  any  essential  service."* 

It  will  be  seen  how  exactly  General  Harrison 
points  out  all  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  General 
Hull's  army,  and  how  clearly  he  anticipated  the 
probability  of  its  overthrow.  These  views,  however, 
were  shared  by  very  few  persons  in  the  United 
States.  Ignorant  of  the  real  state  of  things,  it  was 
universally  supposed,  that  General  Hull  was  to  cap 
ture  Canada  with  scarcely  any  opposition,  and  the 
news  of  the  surrender  of  Detroit  came  upon  the 
country  without  any  warning.  The  party  opposed 
to  the  war  very  naturally  made  use  of  this  disaster 
to  show  that  their  views  had  been  correct,  and  threw 
the  blame  upon  the  Administration  and  the  opposite 
party,  who  had  plunged  the  country  into  war  without 
adequate  preparation. 

At  first  the  Administration  scarcely  attempted  to 
defend  itself. f  But  it  soon  found  a  man  ready  and 

*  Note  6th  in  Appendix.  f  Note  7th  in  Appendix. 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   399 

willing  to  assist  it  to  throw  the  whole  blame  of  the 
disaster  upon  the  unsuccessful  General.  Colonel 
Cass,  having  by  the  terms  of  the  capitulation  liberty 
to  return  home,  went  to  Washington,  and  wrote  his 
celebrated  letter  of  September  10th,  1812,  which 
has  been  the  principal  source  of  all  subsequent 
charges  against  General  Hull,  and  was  even  received 
as  evidence  on  his  trial.  The  object  of  this  letter 
was,  to  convince  the  public  that  the  whole  blame  of 
the  surrender  was  chargeable  to  the  Commander — 

o 

that  he  wanted  neither  men  nor  supplies  of  any  kind, 
and  that  the  British  might  have  been  defeated  with 
perfect  ease,  but  for  the  cowardice  of  the  General. 
His  letter  was  not  without  its  effect  on  the  public 
also,  who  did  not  know  that  Colonel  Cass  had  writ 
ten  to  Governor  Meigs  and  to  his  brother-in-law,  only 
a  few  days  before  the  surrender,  that  the  army  was 
in  want  of  every  thing,  and  must  perish  unless  soon 
assisted. 

As  soon  as  General  Hull  was  exchanged  and 
returned  to  the  United  States,  he  was  placed  under 
arrest,  and  the  Administration  exhibited  charges  for 
capital  offences  against  him.  A  Court  Martial,  of 
which  General  Wade  Hampton  was  President,  was 
summoned  to  assemble  at  Philadelphia,  when  Gen 
eral  Hull  appeared,  and  was  ready  for  his  trial.  But 
this  Court  Martial  was  dissolved  by  the  President, 
without  giving  any  reason  for  its  dissolution.  After 
General  Hull  had  been  another  year  under  arrest,  a 
new  Court  Martial  was  summoned,  of  which  General 
Dearborn  was  appointed  President. 


400  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

It  was  at  Albany,  January  3d,  1814.  A  majority 
of  the  officers  were  young  men,  Lieutenant  Colonels, 
lately  promoted  to  that  rank,  some  of  whom  had  been 
the  aids  of  General  Dearborn,  and  had  been  intro 
duced  into  the  army  by  his  patronage.  General  Hull 
made  no  objection  to  the  manner  in  which  the  Court 
was  constituted,  for  he  was  anxious  for  his  trial. 
Special  and  very  able  counsel  were  employed  by  the 
Government  to  assist  the  Judge  Advocate,  but  Gen 
eral  Hull's  counsel  was  not  allowed  to  address  the 
Court  in  his  defence.  Although  this  exclusion  of  the 
prisoner's  counsel  has  been  an  established  custom  of 
foreign  Courts  Martial,  there  appears  no  good  reason 
why  it  should  have  been  followed  in  this  country  ; 
especially  as  it  conflicts  with  the  provision  of  the 
Constitution,  which  declares  that  in  all  criminal 
prosecutions  the  accused  shall  have  the  assistance  of 
counsel  for  his  defence. 

Charges  of  treason,  cowardice,  and  neglect  of 
duty,  were  exhibited  against  General  Hull,  under  the 
following  specifications. 

The  specifications  under  the  charge  of  treason  were : 

First. — "  Hiring  the  vessel  to  transport  his  sick 
men  and  baggage  from  the  Miami  to  Detroit." 

Second. — "Not  attacking  the  enemy's  fort  at 
Maiden,  and  retreating  to  Detroit." 

Third. — "  Not  strengthening  the  fort  of  Detroit, 
and  surrendering." 

The  specifications  under  the  charge  of  cowardice 
were  : 

First.—-"  Not  attacking  Maiden,  and  retreating  to 
Detroit." 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   4Q1 

Second.  "  Appearances  of  alarm  during  the  can 
nonade." 

Third.  "  Appearances  of  alarm  on  the  day  of  the 
surrender." 

Fourth.   "  Surrendering  Detroit." 

o 

The  specifications  under  the  charge  of  neglect  of 
duty,  were  much  the  same  as  the  others. 

As  regards  the  charge  of  treason,  the  decision  of 
the  Court  was,  that  it  had  no  jurisdiction  of  the  of 
fence,  "  but  the  evidence  on  the  subject  having  been 
publicly  given,  the  Court  deem  it  proper,  injustice  to 
the  accused,  to  say,  that  they  do  not  believe,  from  any 
thing  that  has  appeared  before  them,  that  General 
William  Hull  has  committed  treason  against  the  Uni 
ted  States." 

The  Court  found  the  accused  guilty  of  the  second 
and  third  charges,  and  sentenced  him  to  be  shot  to 
death  ;  but  on  account  of  his  revolutionary  services 
and  advanced  age,  earnestly  recommended  him  to  the 
mercy  of  the  President. 

The  President  approved  of  the  sentence  of  the 
Court,  but  remitted  the  execution  of  it. 

It  is  impossible  to  read  the  report  of  the  trial,  and 
not  feel  that  Hull  was  sacrificed  to  the  necessity  of; 
preserving  the  Administration  from  disgrace  and  ruin. 
Some  victim  was  necessary,  and  the  unsuccessful 
General  was  the  one  upon  whom  the  public  indigna 
tion  could  most  easily  be  directed.  He  therefore  be 
came  the  scape-goat  for  the  President  and  his  party. 

The  argument  which  influenced  many,  conscious 
ly  or  unconsciously,  was  like  that  of  Caiphas :  "  It 

26 


402  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

is  expedient  that  one  man  perish,  rather  than  the 
whole  party  be  destroyed." 

A  political  expediency  made  the  destruction  of 
General  Hull  inevitable. 

The  constitution  of  the  Court  was  singular.  The 
President,  the  .Commander-in-chief,  General  Dear 
born,  was  taken  from  his  duties  at  an  important  pe 
riod  of  the  war,  and  he  was  the  man,  who,  of  all 
others,  had  perhaps  the  greatest  interest  in  the  con 
viction  of  General  Hull.  If  the  fall  of  Detroit  was 
not  owing  to  the  incapacity  of  General  Hull,  it  was 
owing,  in  part,  to  the  errors  of  General  Dearborn,  in 
not  co-operating  at  Niagara,  and  in  concluding  the 
armistice  with  Prevost,  to  the  exclusion  of  General 
Hull  and  his  army.  The  acquittal  of  General  Hull 
would  be  the  condemnation  of  General  Dearborn.  A 
man  with  so  deep  a  personal  interest  would  not  be 
permitted  to  sit  as  juror  in  a  matter  of  dollars  and 
cents  ;  but  General  Dearborn  was  brought  from  his 
duties  at  the  head  of  the  army,  in  time  of  war,  to 
be  made  President  of  the  Court  which  was  to  decide 
on  the  life  or  death  of  General  Hull. 

The  principal  witnesses  on  the  trial  gave  their 
testimony,  like  men  arguing  a  cause.  They  evident 
ly  evinced  an  anxiety  throughout,  to  show  that  Gen 
eral  Hull  was  to  blame  in  all  that  occurred.  They 
remembered  every  thing  that  made  against  him — no 
thing  that  could  tell  in  his  favour.  This  strong  de 
termination  to  do  their  commander  all  the  mischief 
in  their  power,  whether  arising  from  prejudice  or  a 
worse  motive,  deprives  their  testimony  of  the  weight 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   4Q3 

it  might  otherwise  possess.  Thus  in  General  Cass's 
testimony,  we  find  a  very  remarkable  power  of  re 
collection  in  regard  to  some  matters,  and  an  equally 
remarkable  forgetfulness  as  to  other  things.  If  any 
question  is  asked,  the  answer  of  which  might  bene 
fit  General  Hull,  he  finds  it  impossible  to  remember 
any  thing  about  it.  He  remembers  that  the  defences 
at  Maiden  were  poor,  and  "  was  of  opinion  that  the 
works  were  not  defensible,"  but  he  "  does  not  recol 
lect  about  the  guns  or  gun-carriages  at  Detroit,"  and 
is  not  very  sure  that  the  enclosures  and  platforms 
were  defective,  though  he  rather  thinks  they  were. 
Though  his  memory  thus  fails  him  in  regard  to  the 
defective  guns  and  enclosures,  he  distinctly  recol 
lects  the  good  picketing  at  Detroit — i(  it  was  in  re 
markably  good  order,  and  as  good  as  he  ever  saw." 
He  cannot  recollect,  within  four  days,  the  time  of 
crossing  from  Detroit  to  Canada — it  was  "  on  the 
12th  or  16th  (he  could  not  be  precise  about  the 
time)" — he  cannot  even  remember  whether  Colonel 
Miller's  detachment  went  to  Brownstown,  before  or 
after  the  evacuation  of  Canada.  Yet  his  testimony 
is  positive  to  his  conversation  with  General  Hull,  in 
which  he  recommended  more  active  measures,  and  in 
his  letter  of  Sept.  10th  he  recollects  facts  which  oc 
curred  in  Detroit  during  his  absence  from  that  place, 
such  as  that  of  500  of  the  Ohio  militia  shedding  tears  be 
cause  they  were  not  allowed  to  fight.  The  testimony 
of  Snelling,  McArthur,  Vanhorne,  and  some  other  of 
ficers,  is  still  more  strongly  marked  by  this  evident 
predetermination  to  say  as  many  things  as  they  can 


404  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

to  injure  General  Hull,  and  as  few  as  possible  in  his 
favour.  Very  possibly  they  might  not  have  been 
conscious  of  this  bias,  but  it  is  none  the  less  apparent 
on  the  face  of  their  testimony. 

One  peculiarity  in  this  trial  was,  that  the  opin 
ions  of  the  witnesses  in  regard  to  military  measures, 
were  constantly  received  as  evidence.  This  is  justly 
regarded  as  very  improper  by  all  writers  on  Courts 
Martial.  It  is  the  business  of  the  witnesses  to  tes 
tify  to  actions  and  conduct ;  that  of  the  Court,  to 
form  an  opinion  as  to  their  force  and  application. 

O'Brien,  in  his  late  work  on  American  Military 
Courts,  says:  "When  it  is  a  question  of  military 
science,  to  affect  the  officer  on  trial,  questions  of 
opinion  are  inadmissible.  For  it  is  obvious,  that  the 
Court  has  met  for  nothing  else,  than  to  try  that  ques 
tion,  and  they  have  before  them  the  facts  in  evidence, 
on  which  to  ground  their  conclusions.  Courts  Mar 
tial  should  be  very  cautious  in  receiving  evidence  as 
to  opinion,  in  all  instances  ;  and  the  opportunities  and 
means  of  the  witness  for  forming  an  opinion,  should 
be  made  to  appear." 

The  witnesses  all  gave  in  evidence  their  opinions 
that  General  Hull  ought  to  have  retained  the  bridge 
Aux  Canards  ;  ought  not  to  have  evacuated  Canada  ; 
ought  to  have  sent  a  larger  number  of  troops  with 
Vanhorne ;  ought  to  have  exercised  his  troops  more ; 
&c.,  &c.  Subtract  that  part  of  their  testimony 
which  is  made  up  of  their  opinions,  and  the  bulk  is 
much  reduced. 

General  Hull  was  acquitted  of  the  charge  of  trea- 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       495 

son,  because  the  principal  fact  on  which  this  charge 
was  based,  would  have  proved  the  Secretary  of  War 
guilty  of  treason,  rather  than  the  General.  This  fact 
was,  his  sending  a  vessel  by  the  lake,  after  war  was 
declared,  containing  his  invalids  and  hospital  stores. 
But  when  he  sent  the  vessel,  he  had  received  no 
notice  of  the  declaration  of  war,  though  notice  might 
easily  have  reached  him,  if  proper  measures  had  been 
taken  to  expedite  so  important  a  document.  Mean 
time  the  British  at  Maiden  had  received  notice  of  the 
declaration  of  war,  in  a  \etterfranked  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury;  in  consequence  of  which  they  at 
tacked  and  took  General  Hull's  vessel. 

General  Hull  was  found  guilty  on  the  charge  of 
cowardice.  The  principal  evidence  under  this  charge, 
was  that  of  the  militia  officers,  derived  from  his  per 
sonal  appearance  on  the  15th  and  16th  August.  They 
testified  that  he  looked  frightened,  that  he  chewed 
tobacco,  and  that  he  sat  against  a  wall,  as  they  sup 
posed  to  protect  himself  against  the  cannon  shot. 
Other  officers,  with  quite  as  much  experience  as  these 
militia  gentlemen,  saw  no  evidence  of  fear  in  the  con 
duct  of  General  Hull.  Thus  Major  Vanhorne,  Cap 
tain  Baker,  Major  Jessup,  Captain  Fuller,  Captain 
McCormick,  and  especially  Captain  Snelling,  testified 
that  they  thought  General  Hull  under  the  influence 
of  fear ;  that  he  seemed  agitated ;  that  his  voice 
trembled,  &c.,  fee.  But  other  officers  saw  nothing 
of  the  kind — or  rather,  seeing  the  same  appearances, 
they  interpreted  them  more  justly  and  generously. 
They  knew  that  General  Hull  had  endured  much  fa- 
ligue  and  exposure  ;  that  he  had  hardly  slept  for  sev- 


406  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

eral  nights ;  that  he  had  much  responsibility  on  his 
mind  ;  and  they  attributed  to  those  causes  any  ap 
pearance  of  depression,  or  any  physical  infirmity 
which  they  noticed.  Brave  men  do  not  suspect 
others  of  being  cowards,  on  such  slight  grounds* 
Colonel  Miller  could  not  be  brought  to  say  that  he 
thought  his  General  under  the  influence  of  personal 
fear.*  Lieutenant  Bacon  did  not  suspect  that  any 
such  alarm  existed  in  the  mind  of  his  commander.f 
Captain  Maxwell,  who  had  been  in  twenty-three 
battles,  in  three  wars,  saw  nothing  like  fear  in  the 
General's  manner.}  Major  Munson  gave  a  similar 
testimony.^  So  did  Captain  Dyson  and  Colonel 
Watson. || 

The  charge  of  cowardice  rests,  then,  upon  certain 
personal  appearances,  which  a  part  of  the  witnesses 
supposed  to  arise  from  fear  of  bodily  harm,  and  which 
another  part  ascribed  to  fatigue  of  body  and  anxiety 
of  mind. 

Which  of  these  interpretations  is  most  probable  ? 
Is  it  probable  that,  amid  an  army  of  heroes,  General 
Hull  was  the  only  man  who  was  a  coward ;  that 
while  the  militia,  who  had  never  been  in  battle,  were 
shedding  tears  because  they  could  not  fight,  he  who 
had  fought  bravely  in  nine  pitched  battles  was  trem 
bling  with  terror  ?  Is  it  probable  that  while  those 
who  were  exposed  in  the  open  field  were  calm,  he 
whose  duty  required  no  such  exposure  was  agitated 
with  personal  fear ;  and  that  he  who  had  shown  m 

*  See  Note  8,  in  Appendix.  §  See  Note  11,  in  Appendix, 

f  See  Note  9,  in  Appendix.  U  See  Note  12,  in  Appendix^ 

|  See  Note  10am  Appendix., 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.   4Q7 

the  midst  of  danger  a  daring  courage,  should  be  in 
an  agony  of  terror  when  no  danger  was  near?  The 
supposition  is  entirely  absurd,  and  we  may  safely 
predict,  that  the  judgment  of  history  will  so  deter 
mine.  If,  then,  it  be  said  that  the  Court  Martial 
found  General  Hull  guilty,  and  that  therefore  he  was 
so,  we  reply — The  Court,  by  its  constitution  and 
situation,  was  under  a  bias,  that  made  it  almost  im 
possible  for  it  to  do  justice  to  the  prisoner.  The 
public  mind  had  been  excited  against  him,  from  one 
end  of  the  land  to  the  other,  by  the  whole  force  of 
the  Administration  presses  and  of  the  war  party. 
Scurrilous  pamphlets,  filled  with  the  grossest  abuse 
of  his  conduct,  were  hawked  about  for  sale,  at  the 
very  doors  of  the  house  where  he  was  being  tried. 
The  President  of  the  Court  had  a  personal  interest 
in  his  condemnation.  All  those  who  testified  against 
him  had  been  rewarded  beforehand  with  promotion 
in  the  service — several  of  them  without  having  been 
in  any  other  campaign,  except  that  with  General 
Hull ;  and  it  was  therefore  very  evident,  that  the 
way  to  favour  and  rank  was  to  be  found  in  taking  the 
same  side.* 

The  prosecuting  officer  was  assisted  by  special 
counsel,  while  General  HulFs  counsel  was  not  al 
lowed  to  speak.  The  opinions  of  witnesses  against 
him  were  freely  admitted,  as  evidence  concerning  mi 
litary  operations ;  and  hearsay  testimony  was  also 
received,  under  circumstances  not  dissimilar. 

In  reviewing  the  history  of  this  campaign,  it  seems. 

*  Note  13,  in  Appendix. 


408  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812, 

to  us  that  the  following  points  may  be  regarded  as 
fully  established : 

First. — That  so  long  as  Lake  Erie  was  com 
manded  by  the  British,  and  the  woods  by  hostile  In 
dians,  and  by  the  fall  of  Mackinaw  the  Northern 
Indians  were  let  loose  against  General  Hull,  and  no 
co-operation  or  diversion  in  his  favour  was  attempt 
ed  at  Niagara — it  was  impossible  for  Detroit  to  be 
preserved  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  British. 

Second. — This  state  of  things  was  not  the  fault 
of  General  Hull,  but  that  of  the  Administration,  in 
not  making  adequate  preparations  in  anticipation  of 
war — of  General  Dearborn,  in  not  affording  the  ex 
pected  co-operation — and  of  the  condition  of  the 
country,  and  the  inherent  difficulties  incident  to  the 
genius  and  policy  of  our  government. 

Third. — The  charge  of  treason  was  dismissed,  as 
wholly  groundless,  by  the  Court  Martial ;  and  the 
charge  of  cowardice,  when  examined,  becomes  in 
credible  and  absurd. 

The  only  questions,  therefore,  which  can  now  be 
raised  by  reasonable  men,  are  these :  Did  not  Gen 
eral  Hull  err  in  judgment  in  some  of  his  measures  ? 
Might  it  not  have  been  better  to  have  attacked  Mai 
den  ?  and  was  the  surrender  of  his  post  at  Detroit, 
without  a  struggle  for  its  defence,  reconcilable  with 
his  situation  at  that  time  ? 

The  reason  assigned  for  not  attacking  Maiden, 
we  have  seen,  was  the  deficiency  of  suitable  cannon 
for  that  purpose,  and  a  want  of  confidence  in  the 
militia,  as  acknowledged  by  the  officers  in  command, 
to  storm  the  works  at  Maiden,  which  were  defended 


AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  POST  OF  DETROIT.       4Q9 

by  cannon  batteries,  while  reliance  on  the  part  of  the 
Americans,  was  on  militia  bayonets  almost  entirely. 
In   considering  the  conduct  of  General  Hull  in 

o 

surrendering  Detroit,  we  ought  always  to  bear  in 
mind  that  he  was  Governor  of  the  Territory  as  well 
as  General  of  the  army — that  he  accepted  the  com 
mand  of  the  army,  for  the  express  purpose  of  de 
fending  the  Territory,  and  that  though  in  compliance 
with  the  orders  of  the  Government,  he  had  invaded 
Canada,  a  principal  object  was  still  the  defence  of 
the  people  of  Michigan.  If  therefore  his  situation 
was  such,  that  even  a  successful  temporary  resistance 
could  not  finally  prevent  the  fall  of  Detroit ;  had  he 
any  right  to  expose  the  people  of  Michigan  to  that 
universal  massacre  which  would  unquestionably  have 
been  the  result  of  a  battle  at  Detroit? 

It  must  also  be  remembered,  that  at  the  time  of 
the  surrender  the  fort  was  crowded  with  women  and 
children  who  had  fled  thither  for  protection  from  the 
town,  which  tended  still  more  to  embarrass  the  situa 
tion  and  move  the  sympathies  of  their  Governor. 

If  therefore  some  persons,  with  whom  military 
glory  stands  higher  than  humanity  and  plain  duty, 
may  still  blame  General  Hull  for  not  fighting  a  use 
less  battle,  and  for  not  causing  blood  to  be  shed  where 
nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  its  effusion,  we  are 
confident  that  all  high-minded  and  judicious  persons 
will  conclude,  that  to  sign  the  surrender  of  Detroit 
was  an  act  of  greater  courage  and  truer  manliness  on 
the  part  of  General  Hull,  than  it  would  have  been  to* 
have  sent  out  his  troops  to  battle. 


410  HISTORY  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1812. 

Such  has  already  been  the  verdict  given  by 
thousands  throughout  the  land.  In  the  Appendix 
will  be  found  letters  from  some  of  these,  men 
of  the  highest  distinction  ;  accompanied  by  other  let 
ters  from  the  associates  of  General  Hull  during  the 
Revolution.  Their  testimony  is  valuable  as  showing 
the  opinion  entertained  of  him  by  his  companions, 
and  it  shows  what  will  be  the  judgment  of  posterity, 
when  temporary  interests,  passions,  and  prejudices 
shall  have  passed  away. 

To  that  ultimate  tribunal  the  friends  of  General 
Hull  confidently  appeal.  They  call  upon  future  histo 
rians  of  the  war  of  1812,  to  rise  above  the  influence  of 
prejudice  and  to  render  justice  to  the  memory  of  their 
fellow-citizen.  If  his  feelings  can  no  longer  be  com 
forted  by  this  tardy  recompense  for  the  unmerited 
abuse  and  calumnies  from  which  he  suffered ;  the 
truth  of  history  may  at  least  be  vindicated.  He  sleeps 
in  his  tranquil  grave,  and  can  never  hear  that  his 
countrymen  have  at  last  understood  him.  But  our 
country  itself  will  be  honoured,  if  it  can  be  shown, 
that  though,  like  other  republics,  it  is  sometimes  un 
grateful  to  its  servants,  yet  that  it  will  at  last  do  jus 
tice  to  their  memory  ;  and  that  though  clouds  of  mis 
representation  may  long  overshadow  the  name  of  an 
upright  man,  that  the  sun  of  truth  has  at  last  illumi 
nated  it. 

"Respexit  tamen,  et  longo  post  tempore  venit." 


APPENDIX. 


NOTE  1. 

Extract  from  a  Notice  of  General  Hull's  Memoirs  of  the 
Campaign  0/1812,  from  the  North  American  Review. 

"  '  Memoirs  of  the  Campaign  of  the  Northwestern  Army  of 
the  United  States,  A.  D.  1812,  in  a  series  of  Letters 
addressed  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  with  an 
Appendix,  containing  a  brief  sketch  of  the  Revolution 
ary  services  of  the  author.  By  WILLIAM  HULL,  late 
Governor  of  the  Territory  of  Michigan  ;  and  Brigadier- 
General  in  the  service  of  the  United  States.  8vo.  pp. 
240.  Boston  :  True  &  Green  :  1824.' 

"  Most  of  our  readers  remember  the  principal 
events  of  the  disastrous  campaign  to  which  this  work 
relates,  and  the  decision  of  the  court  martial  by  which 
General  Hull  was  tried.  This  officer  has  always 
considered  his  case  as  standing  in  a  very  unfair  and 
partial  light  before  the  public,  and  has  at  last  brought 
forward  what  he  deems  a  correct  detail  of  all  the 
transactions  pertaining  to  his  connexion  with  the 
army. 

"  We  have  no  disposition  to  take  any  part  in  the 
controversy  between  General  Hull  and  his  opponents, 


412  APPENDIX. 

nor  to  revive  a  subject  which,  for  the  credit  of  the 
country,  had  better  be  forgotten  than  remembered ; 
yet,  if  we  were  to  judge  simply  by  the  public  docu 
ments  collected  and  published  in  these  Memoirs,  we 
must  draw  the  conclusion,  unequivocally,  that  he  was 
required  by  the  General  Government  to  do,  what  it 
was  morally  and  physically  impossible  that  he  should 
do — that  he  was  surrounded  by  difficulties  which  no 
human  agency  could  conquer  ;  and  in  short,  whatever 
may  have  been  his  mistakes  of  judgment  in  any  par 
ticular  movement,  he  deserved  not  the  unqualified 
censure  inflicted  on  him  by  the  court  martial. 

"  The  trial  was  evidently  conducted  without  a  full 
knowledge  of  all  the  testimony  in  his  favour  ;  import 
ant  documents  in  the  public  offices  he  could  not  then 
obtain  ;  they  are  now  published,  and  throw  new  light 
on  the  subject. 

"  The  precipitancy  with  which  war  was  declared, 
— the  total  want  of  preparation,  and  the  deficiency  of 
means,  afford  an  apology,  no  doubt,  to  the  General 
Government,  for  not  providing  an  immediate  and  ad 
equate  defence  for  the  northwestern  frontier ;  but  it 
is  an  extremely  hard  case,  that  an  officer  should  suffer 
in  consequence  of  the  neglect  of  higher  powers. 

"  General  Hull  has  no  right  to  complain,  that  his 
orders  were  not  sufficiently  clear  and  explicit ;  but  he 
has  a  right  to  complain,  that  he  was  ordered  to  defend 
a  long  line  of  frontier,  and  invade  an  enemy's  pos 
sessions,  without  being  provided  with  means  to  effect 
such  an  enterprise ;  and  above  all,  has  he  a  right  to 
complain,  that  he  was  formally  condemned  by  a  grave 


APPENDIX.  413 

military  tribunal  for  the  issue  of  unfortunate  events, 
as  mortifying  to  him  in  themselves,  as  they  could  pos 
sibly  be  to  any  other  person  less  interested,  and  over 
which  he  had  no  control.  We  aim  not  to  defend 
General  Hull ;  his  defence  must  rest  on  his  book ; 
let  it  be  conceded  that  he  was  guilty  of  mistakes — 
the  question  still  recurs,  and  it  is  one  of  vital  conse 
quence  to  the  party  accused,  whether  these  mistakes 
may  not,  in  the  main,  be  very  easily  traced  to  his  cir 
cumstances — to  his  confident  expectation  of  aid  from 
government,  which  he  never  received,  and  of  co-ope 
ration  with  other  branches  of  the  armv,  which  never 
took  place,  and  without  both  of  which  there  was  no 
possibility  of  his  effecting  what  was  required  of  him. 
The  public  documents  and  letters  published  by  him, 
answer  this  question  decidedly  in  the  affirmative,  and 
ought  to  produce  an  impression,  on  the  public  mind 
at  least,  far  different  from  that  left  by  the  decision  of 
the  court  martial. 

"  In  addition  to  their  personal  bearing,  these  Me 
moirs  contain  many  facts  of  historical  value,  relating 
to  the  last  war.  The  appendix  speaks  of  the  author's 
services  in  the  Revolution." 

North  American  Review,  January,  1825.     Vol.  XX. 

NOTE  2. 

Memorials  by  General  Hull,  recommending  a  fleet  on  Lake 

Erie. 

The  following  extracts  from  memorials  by  General 
Hull,  concerning  a  fleet  on  Lake  Erie,  show  how 
early  he  drew  the  attention  of  the  Government  to 


414  APPENDIX. 

this  important  subject,  and  with  what  arguments  he 
urged  it  upon  their  attention : 

Memorial  of  April  3d,  1809. — "  I  would  suggest 
for  consideration  the  expediency  of  building  some 
armed  vessels  on  Lake  Erie,  for  the  purpose  of  pre 
serving  the  communication  ;  consider  you  have  three 
military  posts  to  the  north  and  west  of  these  waters, 
and  no  other  communication  with  them." 

Hull's  Memoirs,  p.  19. — Memorial  of  June  15, 
1811  :  u  From  the  present  state  of  our  foreign  rela 
tions,  particularly  with  England,  I  am  induced  to  be 
lieve  there  is  little  prospect  of  a  continuance  of  peace. 
In  the  event  of  a  war  with  England,  this  part  of  the 
United  States  (meaning  the  Michigan  Territory) 
will  be  peculiarly  situated.  The  British  land  forces 
at  Amherstburg  and  St.  Josephs,  are  about  equal  to 
those  of  the  United  States  at  this  place  and  Michili- 
mackinac.  The  population  of  Upper  Canada  is  more 
than  twenty  to  one,  compared  to  this  territory.  That 
province  contains  about  one  hundred  thousand  inhab 
itants,  while  our  population  does  not  amount  to  five 
thousand.  A  wilderness  of  near  two  hundred  miles 
separates  this  settlement  from  any  of  the  States. 
Besides,  the  Indiana  Territory  and  States  of  Ohio 
and  Kentucky  are  thinly  inhabited,  have  extensive 
frontiers,  and  their  own  force  will  be  necessary  for 
their  own  defence.  With  respect  to  the  Indians, 
their  situation  and  habits  are  such  that  little  depend 
ence  can  be  placed  on  them.  At  present  they  appear 
friendly,  and  was  I  to  calculate  on  the  profession  of 
their  chiefs,  I  should  be  satisfied  that  they  would  not 


APPENDIX.  415 

become  hostile.  Their  first  passion,  however,  is  war. 
The  policy  of  the  British  Government  is  to  consider 
them  their  allies,  and  in  the  event  of  war,  to  invite 
them  to  join  their  standard.  The  policy  of  the 
American  Government  has  been  to  advise  them,  in 
the  event  of  war,  to  remain  quiet  at  their  villages, 
and  take  no  part  in  quarrels  in  which  they  have  no 
interest.  Many  of  their  old  sachems  and  chiefs 
would  advise  to  this  line  of  conduct.  Their  authority, 
however,  over  the  warriors  would  not  restrain  them. 
They  would  not  listen  to  their  advice.  An  Indian  is 
hardly  considered  as  a  man,  until  he  has  been  engaged 
in  war,  and  can  show  trophies.  This  first  and  most 
ardent  of  all  their  passions  will  be  excited  by  pre 
sents,  most  gratifying  to  their  pride  and  vanity. 
Unless  strong  measures  are  taken  to  prevent  it,  we 
may  consider,  beyond  all  doubt,  they  will  be  influ 
enced  to  follow  the  advice  of  their  British  Father. 
This  then  appears  to  be  the  plain  state  of  the  case : 
the  British  have  a  regular  force  equal  to  ours.  The 
province  of  Upper  Canada  has  on  its  rolls  a  militia 
of  twenty  to  one  against  us.  In  addition  to  this 
there  can  be  but  little  doubt,  but  a  large  proportion 
of  the  savages  will  join  them  :  what  then  will  be  the 
situation  of  this  part  of  the  country  ?  Separated  from 
the  States  by  an  extensive  wilderness,  which  will  be 
filled  with  savages,  to  prevent  any  succour,  our  water 
communications  entirely  obstructed  by  the  British 
armed  vessels  on  Lake  Erie,  we  shall  have  no  other 
resource  for  defence  but  the  small  garrisons,  and 
feeble  population  of  the  territory.  Under  these  cir- 


416  APPENDIX. 

cumstances  it  is  easy  to  foresee  what  will  be  the  fate 
of  this  country. 

"  It  is  a  principle  in  nature,  that  the  lesser  force 
must  give  way  to  the  greater.  Since  my  acquaint 
ance  with  the  situation  of  this  country,  I  have  been 
of  the  opinion  that  the  government  did  not  sufficient 
ly  estimate  its  value  and  importance.  After  the  Rev 
olution,  and  after  it  was  ceded  to  us  by  treaty,  the 
blood  and  treasure  of  our  country  were  expended  in 
a  savage  war  to  obtain  it.  The  post  at  this  place  is 
the  key  of  the  Northern  country.  By  holding  it,  the 
Indians  are  kept  in  check,  and  peace  has  been  pre 
served  with  them  to  the  present  time.  If  we  were 
once  deprived  of  it,  the  Northern  Indians  would  have 
nowhere  to  look,  but  to  the  British  government  in 
Upper  Canada.  They  would  then  be  entirely  influ 
enced  by  their  councils.  It  would  be  easy  for  them, 
aided  by  the  councils  of  the  British  agents,  to  com 
mit  depredations  on  the  scattered  frontier  settlements 
of  Ohio,  Kentucky,  Indiana,  &c.  They  would  be 
collected  from  the  most  distant  parts  of  their  villages, 
where  the  English  factors  have  an  intercourse  with 
them,  and  would  become  numerous.  Under  these 
circumstances,  if  there  is  a  prospect  of  war  with 
England,  what  measures  are  most  expedient  ?  In  my 
mind  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Prepare  a  naval  force 
on  Lake  Erie,  superior  to  the  British,  and  sufficient  to 
preserve  your  communication" 

HuWs  Memoirs,  pp.  19-20. 

Memorial  of  March  6, 1812  : — "  If  we  cannot  com 
mand  the  ocean,  we  can  command  the  inland  lakes 


APPENDIX. 


of  our  country.  I  have  always  been  of  opinion,  that 
we  ought  to  have  built  as  many  armed  vessels  on  the 
Lakes  as  would  have  commanded  them  :  we  have  more 
interest  in  them  than  the  British  nation,  and  can 
build  vessels  with  more  convenience." 

Huffs  Memoirs,  p.  21. 

NOTE  3. 

The  following  letter  is  from  the  Secretary  of  War 
to  General  Dearborn  : 

"WAR  DEPARTMENT,  26th  June,  1812. 

"  SIR  :  —  Having  made  the  necessary  arrange 
ments  for  the  defence  of  the  seaboard,  it  is  the  wish 
of  the  President  that  you  should  repair  to  Albany,  and 
prepare  the  force  to  be  collected  at  that  place  for  ac 
tual  service.  It  is  understood,  that  being  possessed  of 
a  full  view  of  the  intentions  of  the  Government,  and 
being  also  acquainted  with  the  disposition  of  the  force 
under  your  command,  you  will  take  your  own  time, 
and  give  the  necessary  orders  to  the  officers  on  the 
sea-coast. 

"It  is  altogether  uncertain  at  what  time  General 
Hull  may  deem  it  expedient  to  commence  offensive 
operations.  The  preparations  it  is  presumed  will  be 
made,  to  move  in  a  direction  to  Niagara,  Kingston, 
and  Montreal.  On  your  arrival  at  Albany,  you  will 
be  able  to  form  an  opinion  of  the  time  required  to  pre 
pare  the  troops  for  action. 

"  To  Major-General  DEARBORN." 

Huffs  Memoirs,  p.  173.—  •Records  of  War  Office,  Vol.  V.,  folio  458 

27 


41 8  APPENDIX. 

NOTE  4. 

"LEWISTOWN,  August  19th,  1812. 

"  In  the  night  of  the  17th  I  received  your  letter 
of  8th  inst.  The  inclosures  have  been  delivered  to 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Myers,  commanding  at  Fort 
George,  who  has  since  acknowledged  the  receipt  of 
the  letters,  and  pledged  himself  strictly  to  observe 
the  terms  of  the  armistice, 

"  I  am,  &c. 

S.  VAN  RENSSELAER." 

NOTE  5. 

Letter  from  Sir  George  Prevost  to  General  Brock. 

"AUGUST,  2,  1812. 

"  Last  evening  an  officer  of  the  98th  Regiment 
arrived  here,  express  from  Halifax,  the  bearer  of 
despatches  to  me  dated  on  22d  ult.,  from  Mr.  Foster, 
who  was  then  in  Nova  Scotia.  I  lose  no  time  in 
making  you  acquainted  with  the  substance  of  this 
gentleman's  communication.  He  informs  me  that 
he  had  just  received  despatches  from  England,  re 
ferring  to  a  declaration  of  Ministers  in  Parliament, 
relative  to  a  proposed  repeal  of  the  '  Orders  in  Coun 
cil' — provided  that  the  United  States  Government 
would  return  to  relations  of  amity  with  us,  the  con 
tents  of  which  may  possibly  induce  the  American 
Government  to  agree  to  a  suspension  of  hostilities, 
as  a  preliminary  to  negotiations  for  peace. 
As  I  propose  sending  Colonel  Baynes  immediately 
into  the  United  States,  with  a  proposal  for  a  cessation 


APPENDIX.  419 

of  hostile  operations,  I  enclose  for  your  information, 
the  copy  of  my  letter  to  General  Dearborn,  or  the 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  American  forces.  *  *  * 
A  report  has  been  made  to  me  that  a  frigate  and  six 
transports,  with  the  Royal  Scots  (1st  Battalion)  on 
board,  from  the  West  Indies,  are  just  below  Bic ;  in 
consequence  of  this  reinforcement  I  have  ordered 
the  company  of  the  49th  Regiment  sent  to  Kingston, 
to  remain  there ;  and  in  addition  to  the  Royal  New 
foundland  Regiment,  and  a  detachment  of  an  officer 
and  fifty  veterans,  most  fit  for  service,  now  on  their 
route  to  that  station,  I  shall  order  Major  Ormsby, 
with  three  companies  of  the  49th  Regiment  to  pro 
ceed  from  Montreal  to  the  same  post,  to  be  disposed 
of  as  you  may  find  it  necessary." 

Life  of  Brock,  p.  214, 

NOTE  6, 

Mr.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll,  with  much  naivete,  nar 
rates  his  own  expectations,  and  how  they  were  cooled 
by  the  opinions  of  a  man  of  military  experience.  In 
his  History  of  the  War  of  1812,  pp.  85-87,  he  thus 
speaks : 

"  My  first  doubt  or  uneasiness  was  the  suggestion 
of  an  old  soldier,  whose  residence  I  sometimes  visited 
in  the  summer  season.  This  gentleman  raised  a  full 
company  of  a  hundred  hardy  mountaineers,  on  the 
first  outbreak  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and 
marched  them,  before  even  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  through  the  trackless  wilds  of  a  northern 


420  APPENDIX. 

winter,  to  join  Montgomery,  whose  army  he  did  not 
reach  till  the  day  after  his  defeat  and  death  before 
Quebec.  From  that  time  throughout  the  war  he  was 
every  where,  as  the  hardest  service  called,  from  Long 
Island  to  Georgia,  conspicuous  in  every  battle,  at 
Long  Island,  Morimouth  and  Yorktown,  closing  seven 
years  of  constant  and  arduous,  yet,  to  him,  always 
cheerful  and  pleasant  campaigning,  at  the  last  action 
of  the  war,  the  siege  of  Savannah  ;  from  Quebec  to 
Savannah,  never  off  duty,  foremost  in  all  encounters, 
a  soldier  in  every  qualification. 

"  It  was  from  this  veteran  soldier,  meeting  him 
at  the  chief  town  of  his  county,  that  I  heard  with 
incredulous  annoyance,  the  first  doubts  of  Hull's 
success.  I  had  no  doubt  that  he  was  in  full  and  tri 
umphant  march  from  Maiden  to  Queenstown.  Gen 
eral  Craig  expressed  his  apprehensions  of  the  reverse, 
He  knew  the  difficulties,  the  chances,  the  obstacles  in 
the  way ;  had  attentively  read  all  the  newspaper  ac 
counts  of  the  expedition,  could  estimate  probabilities 
of  Indian  enmity  ;  had  experienced  the  force  of  Eng 
lish  armies  :  shook  his  head  at  my  confidence,  and 
advised  me  not  to  be  too  sanguine.  Not  from  any 
disparagement  of  Hull,  but  from  the  inherent  mishaps 
of  military  proceedings;  the  fortune  of  war :  this 
Nestor  of  another  war,  questioned  the  success  of  our 
outset,  and  disturbed  my  dreams  of  triumph." 


APPENDIX,  421 

NOTE  7. 

The  following  letter  from  the  Records  of  the  War 
Office  (Vol.  VI.  page  253)  shows  that  the  Secretary 
of  War  expected  at  that  time  to  bear  the  blame  of 
the  misfortunes  of  the  campaign,  which  he  seemed 
to  think  might  perhaps  have  otherwise  rested  on  the 
Commander-in-chief. 

"WAR  DEPARTMENT,  Dec.  18,  1812. 

"  SIR, — Your  letter  of  the  llth  is  received. 
Fortunately  for  you,  the  want  of  success  which  has 
attended  the  campaign,  will  be  attributed  to  the  Sec 
retary  of  War.  So  long  as  you  enjoy  the  confidence 
of  the  Government,  the  clamour  of  the  discontented 
should  not  be  regarded.  You  are  requested  to  make 
an  exchange  of  General  Hull  as  soon  as  possible." 

(Signed)  WILLIAM  EUSTIS." 

"  To  Major-General  DEARBORN." 

NOTE  8. 

"  Witness  cannot  say  whether  the  agitation  pro 
ceeded  from  personal  alarm  or  from  a  consideration 
of  the  heavy  responsibility  in  which  he  was  involved  ; 
and  he  does  not  know  whether  at  the  time  he  formed 
any  decided  opinion  on  the  subject." — Miller's  Tes 
timony,  Trial,  p.  110. 

NOTE  9 

"  General  Hull  appeared  engaged  as  usual,  and 
agitated  more  than  usual,  on  the  morning  of  the  16th5 


422  APPENDIX. 

but  witness  does  not  know  the  cause ;  he  had  no 
suspicion  that  it  proceeded  from  personal  fear ;  nei 
ther  did  he  hear  any  of  the  officers  at  the  time  ex 
press  the  opinion  that  it  did," — Bacon's  testimony^ 
p.  124,  Hull's  TriaL 

NOTE  10. 

"  I  saw  General  Hull  riding  on  horseback,  and 
cast  my  eye  upon  his  countenance  ;  his  voice  appeared 
cool  and  collected  ;  1  saw  him  ride  off;  I  saw  nothing 
like  agitation  ;  my  reason  for  looking  particularly  at 
the  General's  countenance  was,  because  there  was* 
a  clamour  that  he  was  intimidated."— Captain  Max 
well's  testimony,  Hull's  Trial,  p.  128. 

NOTE  11. 

"•  The  General's  situation  was  a  critical  one.  He 
had  a  great  deal  of  responsibility,  and  great  care  on 
his  mind,  if  he  had  any  feelings.  I  saw  nothing  in 
his  conduct  but  what  might  be  accounted  for  without 
recurring  to  personal  fear." — Major  Munson's  testi 
mony,  Hull's  Trial,  p.  131. 

NOTE  12. 

Question  by  General  Hull  to  witness — "  How  did 
1  appear  on  that  morning  (of  the  surrender)  ? 

Answer.  "  You  appeared  perfectly  tranquil  and 
collected." — Testimony  of  Colonel  Watson,  Hull's, 
Trial,  page  149, 


APPENDIX.  423 

NOTE  13. 

The  following  account  of  the  Court  Martial  is  by 
General  Hull.  "Young  General  Dearborn  has  pub 
lished  the  names  of  the  officers  who  composed  the 
Court  Martial,  with  his  father  at  the  head,  as  Presi 
dent.  It  required  two-thirds  only  of  the  members  to 
pronounce  the  sentence.  It  is  very  certain  that  it 
was  not  unanimous,  as  it  is  said,  '  two-thirds  of  the 
members  agreed  to  it.'  Had  it  been  unanimous,  it 
would  have  been  so  stated.  It  must  be  evident  that 
a  part  of  the  Court  were  opposed  to  it.  I  should  be 
happy,  indeed,  were  it  in  my  power  to  designate  the 
characters  who  were  only  influenced  by  disinterested 
and  honourable  motives. 

"  I  have  stated  the  reasons  why  I  did  not  object 
to  the  President  or  any  of  the  members  of  this 
Court  Martial.  I  had  been  much  more  than  a  year 
a  prisoner  in  arrest ;  was  conscious  of  having  faith 
fully  done  my  duty,  and  in  my  official  communication 
to  the  Government  requested  an  investigation  of  my 
conduct.  It  had  been  delayed  in  an  unprecedented 
manner,  during  this  long  time,  and  I  believed,  had  I 
made  objections  to  the  President,  or  any  members  of 
the  Court,  it  would  have  caused  further  delay.  Be 
sides,  most  of  the  members  of  the  Court  were  stran 
gers  to  me  ;  men  whom  I  never  before  had  seen,  and 
whose  names  I  had  never  heard,  excepting  General 
Dearborn,  General  Bloomfield,  Colonel  Fenwick, 
Colonel  House,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Conner. 
By  examining  the  list,  published  by  young  General 


424  APPENDIX. 

Dearborn,  you  will  perceive  the  other  members  be 
longed  to  new  raised  regiments,  which  did  not  exist 
during  the  campaign  of  1812.  They  were  appointed 
to  regiments  numbered  from  thirty-two  to  forty-two. 
They  had  no  military  rank  at  that  time. 

"It  is  well  known  that  officers  were  selected  to 
form  these  additional  regiments,  from  the  most  violent 
partisans  of  the  Administration,  and  this  alone  was  a 
sufficient  qualification.  Officers  of  this  description 
constituted  a  majority  of  the  Court.  They  were 
pledged  to  any  measures  which  the  Administration^ 
my  persecutors,  wished.  With  respect  to  General 
Dearborn,  the  President,  the  deep  interest  which  he 
had  in  the  issue  of  the  trial,  has  been  presented  to 
you.  General  Bloomfield  was  a  meritorious  officer 
of  the  Revolution,  and  served  with  credit  to  himself. 
He  was  an  amiable  and  much  respected  citizen  at  the 
termination  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  and  1  believe 
retained  the  esteem  of  society  to  the  close  of  his  life. 
Colonel  Fenwick  and  Colonel  House,  I  have  ever 
believed,  were  governed  by  the  purest  and  most 
honourable  motives,  and  were  under  no  other  influ 
ence  than  a  sense  of  duty.  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Conner  received  his  commission  about  the  time  that 
General  Dearborn  was  appointed  the  first  Major- 
General.  He  was  in  his  family,  and  one  of  his  Aids. 
But  a  short  time  before  the  Court  Martial  was  or 
dered,  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel,  by  the  same  patronage,  and  selected  as  a 
member  of  the  Court  for  my  trial.  To  the  President 
of  the  Court  Martial  he  owed  both  his  first  appoint 
ment  and  his  sudden  promotion*'3 


APPENDIX.  425 

NOTE  14. 

Major  Bannister's  letter  to  General  Wade  Hamp 
ton  (the  latter  having  been  appointed,  in  the  first  in 
stance,  the  President  of  the  Court  Martial  on  the  trial 
of  General  Hull,  to  convene  in  1813  ;  but  the  Court 
did  not  meet,  it  having  been  superseded  by  another 
Court,  with  General  Dearborn  as  President,  which 
met  in  February,  1814,  at  Albany — Hull's  Trial,  Ap 
pendix,  page  1)  is  as  follows: 

"  BROOKFIELD,  February  17th,  1813. 

"MR.  PRESIDENT: — Having  learned  that  my 
war-worn  companion  in  arms,  General  William  Hull, 
is  called  upon  to  answer  to  some  of  the  highest 
charges  which  can  be  preferred  against  a  military 
character,  and  that  you,  sir,  are  the  President  of  the 
Court  before  whom  he  is  to  be  tried,!  take  the  liberty 
of  addressing  to  you  a  few  observations  on  the  sub 
ject,  which  are  dictated  by  the  interest  I  feel  for  my 
country,  as  also  the  reputation  and  character  of  my 
friend,  who  stands  highly  criminated  before  you.  My 
first  acquaintance  with  General  Hull  was  in  times  the 
most  unfortunate — '  the  times  that  tried  men's  souls.' 
The  services  which  he  rendered  to  his  country  during 
the  Revolutionary  war,  ought  not  to  be  forgotten. 
He  was  then  young,  active,  brave  and  faithful ;  high 
in  the  estimation  of  his  superior  officers,  and  respect 
ed  even  by  his  enemies,  for  his  fidelity  to  his  country. 
1  will  not  unnecessarily  take  up  your  time,  in  de 
tailing  the  innumerable  hardships,  fatigues,  privations 
and  sufferings  to  which  we  were  subjected,  during 


426  APPENDIX. 

the  worst  of  times.  It  is  sufficient  for  my  purpose 
on  this  occasion,  to  notice  particularly  the  capture  of 
Burgoyne,  and  the  well  known  battle  of  Monmouth. 
In  these  two  memorable  events,  where  the  ground 
was  covered  with  the  dead  bodies  of  the  slain,  and 
the  air  resounded  with  the  groans  of  the  dying,  Hull 
was  unshaken.  He  bravely  fought,  and  a  grateful 
country  acknowledged  his  bravery.  I  was  then  Bri 
gade-Major  to  General  Learned,  in  whose  brigade 
General  Hull  was  a  Major,  in  Colonel  Brooks's  Re 
giment.  The  welfare  of  his  country  was  apparently 
as  dear  to  him  as  his  life  ;  but  if  he  has  now  fallen, 
he  has  fallen  indeed.  Having  associated  with  him 
in  times  so  interesting,  and  in  no  other  character  than 
that  of  a  brave  man,  I  shall  be  unhappy  to  learn  that 
he  has  terminated  his  patriotic  career  by  meanly  act 
ing  the  coward. 

(Signed,  SETH  BANNISTER." 


General  Heath's  Certificate,  Hull's  Trial,  Appendix,  p.  2. 

"  I,  William  Heath,  of  Roxbury,  in  the  county  of 
Norfolk,  and  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts, 
having  served  as  a  General  Officer  in  the  American 
Revolutionary  war,  from  the  commencement  of 
hostilities  on  the  19th  of  April,  1775,  until  peace 
took  place  in  1783,  hereby  certify,  and  on  my  sacred 
honour  declare  (and  to  which  I  am  ready  to  make 
solemn  oath),  that  in  the  said  war  William  Hull, 
now  a  Brigadier-General  in  the  army  of  the  United 
States,  served  as  an  officer  in  various  places,  in  all 


APPENDIX.  427 

of  which  he  sustained  the  character  of  a  brave  and 
good  officer — possessed  the  particular  esteem  and 
confidence  of  General  Washington,  who  was  anxious 
for  his  promotion,  as  will  appear  from  extracts  of  his 
letter  to  this  deponent  on  that  subject,  which  are 
exhibited  herewith.  That  this  deponent  being  in 
the  immediate  command  of  the  American  troops  in 
the  Highlands  of  New-York,  on  Hudson  river,  in  the 
month  of  January,  1781,  an  enterprise  was  contem 
plated  against  the  enemy  at  Morrissania,  the  then 
advanced  post  of  the  British  army,  which  enterprise 
was  to  be  intrusted  to  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hull, 
now  Brigadier-General  Hull.  The  success  of  this 
enterprise  was  doubtful,  in  the  opinion  of  General 
Washington,  when  it  was  communicated  to  him,  as 
will  appear  by  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  him  here 
with  exhibited.  But  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hull,  with 
the  troops  under  his  command,  were  successful. 
With  great  address  and  gallantry,  they  forced  a 
narrow  passage  to  the  enemy,  and  with  the  loss  of 
one  subaltern,  one  drummer  and  ten  privates  killed, 
one  captain,  one  sergeant  and  eleven  rank  and  file 
wounded,  completely  defeated  the  enemy,  and  be 
sides  the  killed  took  upwards  of  fifty  prisoners,  cut 
away  the  pontoon  bridge,  took  a  considerable  quan 
tity  of  forage,  a  number  of  cattle,  &c.,  for  which 
they  were  thanked  in  the  public  orders.  This  depo 
nent  during  the  Revolutionary  war,  having  at  differ 
ent  times  had  the  honour  to  command  the  State  lines 
of  the  army  from  New  Hampshire  to  New  Jersey, 
inclusive,  and  two  brigades  of  more  southern  lines ; 


428  APPENDIX. 

Lieutenant-Colonel    Hull   sustained    a   conspicuous 
character  as  a  brave,  faithful  and  good  officer. 

(Signed)  WM.  HEATH." 

"  Roxbury,  December  20th,  1813." 

Extracts  of  Letters  from  General  Washington.,  to  Major 
General  Heath,  mentioned  in  the  deposition. 

"HEAD  QUARTERS,  Morristown,  Dec.  13,  1779. 

"  The  case  between  Major  Hull  and  Major  Cogs 
well  is  of  more  delicacy  and  very  important.  Major 
Hull  was  not  appointed  by  the  State  to  the  Majority 
in  Colonel  Jackson's  regiment ;  he  was  appointed 
by  me  at  the  intercession  of  several  officers  of  the 
State  line,  and  not  without  authority.  He  is  an 
officer  of  great  merit,  and  whose  services  have  been 
honourable  to  himself  and  honourable  to  his  country. 
1  was  then  persuaded,  as  I  still  am,  that  a  good 
officer  would,  and  ever  will  be,  an  object  of  the 
State's  regard ;  and  there  has  been  no  injustice 
done  to  Major  Cogswell.  Perhaps  by  your  repre 
sentation  you  may  be  able  to  get  matters  put  right, 
and  I  am  sure  you  can  scarcely  render  any  more 
essential  service  than  prevailing  on  the  Honourable 
Assembly  to  preserve  the  arrangement  inviolate,  and 
to  pursue  the  rules  of  promotion  which  have  been 
established.  In  the  case  of  Major  Hull,  he  might,  as 
I  have  been  long  since  told,  been  arranged  as  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel,  on  the  Connecticut  line,  by  the  Com 
mittee  of  Congress  at  White  Plains  in  1778." 


APPENDIX.  429 

On  the  Enterprise  against  the  Enemy. 

"HEAD  QUARTERS,  New  Windsor,  Jan.  7,  1781. 

"You  will  be  pleased  to  observe,  on  the  subject 
of  your  letter  of  last  evening,  that  although  I  am  not 
very  sanguine  in  my  expectation  of  the  success  of 
the  enterprise  proposed,  yet  I  think  in  our  present 
circumstances  it  will  be  advisable  to  encourage  it. 
Colonel  Hull  may  therefore  have  permission  to  make 
the  attempt." 

"  The  foregoing  are  true  extracts  from  the  ori 
ginals. 

(Signed)  WM.  HEATH." 

"  Roocbury,  Dec.  20,  1813." 

Salmon  HubbeWs  Certificate,  Hull's  Trial,  Appendix,  p.  6. 
"  I,  Salmon  Hubbell,  of  Bridgeport,  in  the  State 
of  Connecticut,  being  duly  sworn,  do  depose  and 
say,  that  I  was  a  Lieutenant  in  the  5th  Connecticut 
Regiment  of  Continental  Troops,  and  was  acquainted 
with  General  William  Hull,  in  the  Revolutionary 
army,  and  always  considered  him  a  gentleman  in 
every  respect,  as  well  as  a  brave  and  a  good  officer. 
He  was  in  the  attack  on  Stony  Point,  which  took 
place  in  the  morning  of  July  16th,  1779,  under  the 
immediate  command  of  General  Wayne  ;  (the  mode 
of  attack  now  before  me)  wherein  is  ordered  that 
Colonel  Meigs  will  form  next  in  Febiger's  rear,  and 
Major  Hull  in  the  rear  of  Colonel  Meigs,  which  will 
be  the  right  column.  The  result  speaks  in  the 
highest  language  for  the  good  conduct  of  each  officer 
and  soldier.  This  deponent  further  saith  that  he  did 


430  APPENDIX. 

aid  and  assist  in  said  attack  on  Stony  Point,  and 
was  therefore  knowing  to  the  conduct  of  General 
Hull  therein. 

(Signed)  SALMON  HUBBELL." 

"  Bridgeport,  January  20, 1814." 

"  Sworn  to  before  me,  Joseph  Backus,  Justice  of 
the  Peace." 


Deposition  of  Adjutant  Tufts,  Hull's  Trial,  Appendix,  p.  L 

"BOSTON,  Feb,  3,  1814. 
"  To    the  President   and   members  of  the  General  Court 

Martial,  sitting  in  Albany,  for  the  trial  of  General 

Hull. 

"GENTLEMEN — Having  been  solicited  by  the 
friends  of  General  Hull  to  state  my  knowledge  of 
his  character  and  conduct  during  the  Revolutionary 
war,  I  have  the  honour  of  submitting  the  following 
particulars.  I  was  with  him  as  Sergeant-Major  of 
the  8th  Massachusetts  Regiment  at  Ticonderoga,  and 
in  the  same  regiment  at  taking  Burgoyne's  army, 
and  was  with  the  regiment  he  commanded  in  taking 
Stony  Point,  and  his  Adjutant. 

"  His  character  for  courage  and  firmness  on  all 
these  occasions  W7as  unexceptionable ;  and  he  was  a 
good  military  man,  and  was  universally  esteemed  by 
his  brother  officers,  and  beloved  by  his  soldiers. 

(Signed)  FRANCIS  TUFTS." 


APPENDIX.  431 

Certificate  of  J.   Brooks,  late  Governor  of  Massachusetts., 
Hull's  Trial,  Appendix,  p.  5. 

"BOSTON,  Feb.  4,  1814. 

"  Having  been  requested  by  Brigadier-General 
Hull  to  state  any  information  in  my  power  to  you, 
respecting  his  character  as  an  officer,  during  the  late 
Revolutionary  War,  I  would  observe,  that  I  became 
acquainted  with  this  gentleman  in  the  month  of 
February,  1776,  and  that  from  that  time  I  was  well 
acquainted  with  his  character  and  conduct  to  the 
close  of  the  war  in  1783.  During  that  period  it  fell 
to  the  General's  lot  frequently  to  meet  the  enemy  in 
combat;  and  in  every  instance  he  acquitted  himself 
much  to  his  honour,  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  supe 
rior  officers.  No  officer  of  his  rank  (as  far  as  my 
knowledge  of  that  subject  will  enable  me  to  speak) 
stood  higher  in  the  estimation  of  the  army  generally 
than  General  Hull ;  not  only  as  a  disciplinarian,  and 
an  officer  of  intelligence,  but  as  a  man  of  great  enter 
prise  and  gallantry.  I  can  add,  that  he  possessed  in 
a  high  degree  the  confidence  of  General  Washington. 
Notwithstanding  my  long  acquaintance  with  General 
Hull,  as  an  officer,  I  never  had  an  opportunity  to 
witness  his  conduct  in  action  more  than  once,  al 
though  I  have  often  seen  him  under  circumstances  of 
great  danger  from  the  fire  of  the  enemy. 

"In  the  month  of  September,  1776,  at  White 
Plains,  he  acted  under  my  immediate  orders,  and 
was  detached  from  the  line,  with  a  company  he  then 
commanded,  to  oppose  a  body  of  light  infantry  and 
Yagers,  advancing  upon  the  left  flank  of  the  American 


432  APPENDIX. 

army.  His  orders  were  executed  with  great  promp 
titude,  gallantry,  and  effect.  Though  more  than 
double  his  number,  the  enemy  was  compelled  to 
retreat,  and  the  left  of  the  American  line  thus  enabled, 
by  a  flank  movement,  in  safety  to  pass  the  Bronx. 
"  With  great  respect  I  am,  sir,  your  servant, 

(Signed)  J.  BROOKS." 

"  To  the  President  of  the  Court  Martial,  Albany." 


Certificate  of  Joseph  McCaken,   Hull's    Trial,  Appendix, 

page  6. 

"  ALBANY,  17th  February,  1814. 

"  To   the   Court  Martial  appointed  for  the  trial  of 

General  Hull : 

"  I  say,  on  my  sacred  honour,  that  I  was  a  Cap 
tain,  in  the  year  1777,  in  Colonel  Vanscock's  Regi 
ment,  of  the  State  of  New-York;  that  I  served  with 
General  Hull  in  the  year  1777,  in  the  expedition  un 
der  General  Arnold,  which  relieved  Fort  Stanwix ; 
that  I  likewise  served  with  General  Hull  in  the  cam 
paign  of  1778,  and  was  with  him  in  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  when  1  was  wounded,  and  lost  my  arm  ; 
that  there  was  no  officer  of  General  Hull's  rank  that 
stood  higher  in  my  estimation,  and,  as  far  as  I  knew, 
in  the  estimation  of  the  army  ;  that  he  was  consider 
ed  as  a  brave  and  excellent  officer. 

(Signed)  JOSEPH  McCAKEN, 

A  Major  in  the  New-York  line  in  1778." 


APPENDIX.  433 

Letter  from  John  Stacy,  a  Revolutionary  soldier,  to  General 
William  Hull 

"HARVARD,  20th  August,  1824. 
"  GENERAL  WILLIAM  HULL  : 

"  SIR, — Permit  a  soldier  of  the  Revolutionary 
war,  who  served  six  years  previous  to  its  close,  and 
who  is  a  native  of  the  county  of  Middlesex,  to  con 
gratulate  you  on  the  honourable  testimony  borne  by 
General  Heath  and  others,  Highly  distinguished  in  that 
war,  for  your  having  acted  so  distinguished  a  part  in 
our  Revolutionary  struggles.  I  am  probably  one  of 
the  few  remaining  who  was  under  your  command  in 
the  hazardous  expedition  at  Morrissania,  and  I  feel 
myself  happy  in  living  to  this  period,  that  I  may  wit 
ness  to  the  gallantry  and  address  with  which  the  en 
terprise  was  effected ;  not  only  as  it  respects  the  as 
sault  on  the  enemy  in  that  place,  but  on  the  morning 
after,  in  decoying  the  enemy  some  miles  from  its 
lines,  without  any  material  injury  to  our  troops,  and 
until  it  came  in  contact  with  our  reinforcements,  which 
immediately  checked  the  enemy  and  drove  it  back 
with  considerable  loss.  We  were  nearly  forty  hours 
from  our  quarters  and  the  whole  time  on  the  alert, 
without  any  respite  from  duty.  Well  knowing  the 
courage  and  enterprise  of  the  commander  on  this 
occasion  inspired  every  soldier  with  a  noble  ardour  ; 
animated  everyone  to  a  prompt  and  cheerful  per 
formance  of  duty,  and  stimulated  them  to  follow  their 
leader,  not  knowing  whither  going  or  what  the  object. 
"  Would  to  God,  Sir,  I  could  add  one  mite,  to  have 
your  character  as  an  officer  and  soldier,  placed  on  its 

28 


434  APPENDIX. 

proper  basis ;  and  to  have  it  entirely  acquitted  from 
what  I  consider,  and  I  believe  thousands  of  your 
fellow-citizens  do  also,  the  vile,  wicked,  and  corrupt 
proceedings,  that  have  been  had  against  you,  in  con 
sequence  of  the  failure  of  the  expedition  against 
Canada  in  the  late  war,  and  that  those  who  formed 
the  scheme  of  your  destruction,  might  soon  feel  the 
weight  of  their  own  iniquitous  conduct. 

"  From  an  old  soldier,  who  still  feels  the  high  value 

of  a  soldier's  reputation. 

(Signed)  JOHN  STACY." 


Letter  from  Daniel  Putnam,  Esq.,  Son  of  General  Putnam, 
to  General  Hull. 

"BROOKLYN,  Ct.,  Sep.  25,  1824. 

"  MY  DEAR  Sm, — The  renewal  of  a  correspond 
ence  that  has  been  suspended  almost  half  a  century, 
in  all  which  time  there  has  been  little  personal  in 
tercourse,  is  an  awkward  left-handed  business,  which 
one  knows  hardly  how  to  begin. 

"  Like  a  mariner  without  a  compass  on  the  track 
less  ocean,  who  steers  his  bark  by  guess,  and  while 
he  remembers  where  his  home  was,  is  ignorant  of  the 
course  that  will  conduct  him  to  it,  so  am  I,  alike  un 
certain  whether  any  advance  on  my  part  can  bring 
me  back  to  your  remembrance,  with  the  kindness  of 
olden  time,  and  if  any,  how  I  shall  set  myself  at 
work  to  make  it  most  successfully. 

"  If  I  advert  to  the  season  of  youth,  when  under 
the  appellation  of  <  Rebels,'  and,  as  it  were,  with  hal 
ters  about  our  necks,  we  were  among  the  number 


APPENDIX.  435 

who  opposed  a  powerful  enemy  and  never  quailed 
at  his  approach,  why  then,  I  know  not  how  to  asso 
ciate  a  lofty  spirit  and  a  patriot  heart  with  dishonour. 

"  If  I  call  to  remembrance  the  laurels  wrhich  then 
encircled  your  brow,  and  the  deeds  of  renown  which 
drew  forth  the  thanks  of  Washington  in  general  or 
ders,  and  those  of  Congress  inscribed  on  their  jour 
nals,  I  recognize  you  as  the  gallant  Colonel  Hull,  at 
the  head  of  his  partisan  corps,  and  do  not  forget  how 
I  rejoiced  in  the  well  merited  fame  of  my  friend. 

"  But  when  I  heard  of  you  in  more  advanced  life 
as  a  general  officer,  at  the  head  of  an  army  destined 
for  the  conquest  of  an  enemy's  province,  I  doubted 
the  extension  of  your  fame,  and  feared  for  the  safety  of 
that  which  had  already  been  acquired  ;  not  that  your 
valour  was  questioned,  but  because  you  had  embarked 
without  adequate  means,  in  an  enterprise  where  suc 
cess  was  so  necessary  to  conciliate  public  favour,  and 
so  indispensable  to  preserve  the  public  confidence, 
that  disaster,  however  unavoidable,  must  be  attended 
with  certain  ruin. 

"  When  the  news  of  your  capitulation  reached 
us,  and  the  epithets  of  «  Coward,'  '  Traitor,'  &c., 
were  bellowed  lustily  from  so  many  mouths,  and  rung 
long  and  loud  in  our  ears,  I  thought,  as  I  now  think ; 
and  when,  after  a  long  delayed  trial,  I  read  your  de 
fence  before  the  Court  Martial,  and  the  cruel  sen 
tence  of  that  Court,  I  marked  you  as  the  '  scape-goat ' 
on  whose  head  the  errors  of  others  were  laid,  to  di 
vert  the  public  indignation  from  their  own ;  but  I 
never  did  believe  your  blood  would  be  shed  to  expiate 
their  sins  ;  it  was  a  sacrifice  too  daring. 


436  APPENDIX. 

"  It  is  the  property  of  narrow  minds,  when  in 
flated  with  success,  that  they  are  commonly  hurried 
on  to  deeds  of  arrogance  ;  and  you  have  witnessed 
another  attempt  to  consign  another  name  to  infamy. 
All  that  I  can  wish  for  you  is,  that  yours  may  rise  as 
far  above  the  intrigues  of  your  enemies,  as  that  has 
done,  above  the  imputations  suggested  by  malice  and 
envy. 

"  It  was  thirty  years  after  death,  before  the  ven 
omous  dart  was  sped,  and  ere  you  shall  have  slept 
like  time  in  dust,  history  will  do  you  justice,  and  no 
recreant  hand  shall  change  the  sentence. 

"  Accept  my  best  wishes  for  the  peace  and  happi 
ness  of  your  remaining  life,  and  believe  me  your 
friend, 

(Signed)         DANIEL  PUTNAM," 

"  General  WM.  HULL." 

Letter  from  Charles  P.  Sumner,  Esq.,  to  General  Hull. 

"BOSTON,  March  11,  1825. 

"  SIR, — I  perceive  by  the  publications  you  have 
made  in  the  course  of  the  year  past,  in  the  '  States 
man,'  and  in  your  pamphlet,  that  you  are  desirous  to 
dispel  the  clouds  that  for  a  while  seemed  to  rest  upon 
your  name.  I  therefore  feel  it  my  duty  to  express  to 
you  my  humble  opinion,  that  your  Memoirs  have  had 
and  are  having  the  desired  effect,  of  reinstating  you 
in  the  good  opinion  of  impartial  and  disinterested 
men  :  this  is  the  effect,  wherever  1  have  had  an  op 
portunity  of  hearing  their  opinion,  and  it  is  the  effect 
on  me,  although  I  am  one  of  those  who  had  some 
degree  of  prejudice  to  your  disadvantage. 


APPENDIX.  437 

"  There  are  Gates  and  Bedloes  in  more  countries 
than  England  ;  and  in  other  times  than  those  of 
Charles  II.  ;  and  you  have  afforded  an  instance  of  the 
truth  of  a  remark  of  Charles  J.  Fox,  in  his  history  of 
a  short  period  previous  to  the  English  Revolution  ; 
that  one  of  the  chief  evils  attendant  on  times  of 
high  political  excitement,  is  the  facility  it  gives  a 
dominant  party,  to  brand  their  rivals  with  opprobrium, 
and  make  even  the  records  of  the  history  of  their 
country  speak  the  language  of  malice  and  falsehood, 
couched  in  the  forms  of  law. 

"  I  am  unknown  to  you.,  but  there  are  thousands 
equally  unknown,  that  are  daily  imbibing  and  recov 
ering  the  most  respectful  sentiments  towards  you, 
and  believe  that  your  character  will  not  suffer  in  the 
estimation  of  unprejudiced  posterity  by  any  compari 
son  that  can  be  instituted  between  you  and  any  of  your 
more  successful  cotemporaries  ;  two  of  whom  have 
so  recently  bid  farewell  to  the  smiles  or  frowns  of 
men. 

"  Whoever  may  be  your  survivor,  I  sincerely  hope 

your  sun  may  set  in  a  cloudless  sky. 

(Signed)        CHARLES  P.  SUMNER." 
"  General  Wai.  HULL." 


Letter  from  Roger  M.  Sherman,  Esq.,  to  General  Hull. 

"FAIRFIELD,  Ct.}  March  21,  1825. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  cannot  forbear  expressing  to  you 
the  great  satisfaction  1  have  derived  from  the  perusal 
of  your  *  Memoirs  of  the  Campaign  of  the  North 
western  Army.'  So  far  as  I  know  the  public  senti- 


438  APPENDIX. 

ment,  they  are  deemed  a  satisfactory  and  unanswera 
ble  vindication.  Your  proofs  are  conclusive  ;  and  no 
mind,  however  prejudiced,  accustomed  to  the  weigh 
ing  of  evidence,  can  resist  the  inferences  you  make 
from  them.  This  remark  is  extensively  verified  in 
the  circle  of  my  own  observation.  I  am  happy 
that  you  possessed  such  ample  means  of  doing  an 
act  of  justice  to  yourself,  your  friends,  and  your 
country. 

"  Please  to  accept  from  Mrs.  Sherman  and  my 
self,  and  present  to  Mrs.  Hull  and  your  family,  assu 
rances  of  our  very  sincere  esteem. 

(Signed)        ROGER  M.  SHERMAN." 

"  General  WM.  HULL." 


Letter  from  Dr.  James  Thacher  (the  historian)  to  General 

Hull 

"  PLYMOUTH,  April  4,  1825. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  perused  your  Memoirs  with 
great  satisfaction.  It  has  confirmed  my  conviction, 
and  I  have  no  doubt  but  it  has  had  the  same  effect 
on  every  candid  and  unprejudiced  mind.  I  am  decid 
edly  of  opinion,  that  justice  and  duty  require  that 
you  should  no  longer  estrange  yourself  from  the  so 
ciety  of  your  fellow-citizens  and  your  compatriots, 
and  I  hope  you  will  resume  that  standing  with  the 
public  to  which  you  are  unquestionably  entitled.  1 
expected  to  have  seen  you  in  our  ranks,  at  our  inter 
view  with  General  Lafayette.  Since  the  much 
lamented  death  of  our  excellent  and  amiable  friend, 
General  Brooks,  I  have  suggested  to  several  of  our 


APPENDIX.  439 

brethren,  that  you  ought  to  succeed  him  as  President 
of  our  Society  (Cincinnati).  Some  few  have  ob 
jected,  and  Dr.  Townsend  (our  Vice-President)  and 
Major  Alden  have  been  mentioned,  and  the  result  is 
uncertain. 

"  I  understood  that  you  have  received  a  letter 
from  General  Lafayette,  and  should  be  glad  to  know 
the  purport  of  it.  He  has  promised  me  that  he  will 
visit  this  town  before  he  leaves  the  country,  and  I 
shall  wait  on  him  immediately  on  his  arrival  at  Bos 
ton.  Being  in  Boston  not  long  since,  I  was  much 
gratified  to  learn,  that  you  had  written  a  Memorial 
to  Congress,  in  favour  of  our  Revolutionary  claims. 
Some  months  ago,  I  addressed  through  the  '  Centi- 
nelj  the  surviving  officers  on  the  same  subject,  and 
wrote  to  General  Brooks,  requesting  his  opinion  re 
specting  a  special  meeting  of  our  Society,  to  take  the 
business  into  consideration,  while  the  enthusiasm  ex 
cited  by  the  presence  of  General  Lafayette  was  in 
operation.  At  no  period  have  the  surviving  officers 
been  held  in  higher  respect  and  more  grateful  recol 
lection  than  the  present,  and  never  perhaps  was 
public  money  appropriated  more  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  people,  than  that  for  pensions  and  the  grant  to 
General  Lafayette. 

"  I  cannot  believe  but  Congress  will  be  disposed 
to  do  justice  to  the  few  survivors,  who  are  so  fairly 
entitled  to  consideration,  if  a  proper  application 
should  be  made.  I  will  thank  you  to  forward  to  me  a 
copy  of  your  Memorial,  if  not  too  bulky  for  a  mail 
kt£er,  or  inform  me  of  the  purport  of  it,  and  whether 


440  APPENDIX. 

you  include  the  heirs  of  deceased  officers  and  the 
soldiers. 

"  I  am  jour  friend  and  very  humble  servant, 

(Signed)  JAMES  THACHER." 

"  General  WM.  HULL." 


Letter  from  the  Honourable  Horace  Binney  of  Philadelphia 
to  Mrs.  Maria  Campbell,  a  daughter  of  General  Hull. 

"PHILADELPHIA,  March  4,  1841. 

"  MY  DEAR  MRS.  CAMPBELL, — Your  letter  of  24th 
February  gives  me  great  pleasure,  in  the  assurance 
that  a  grandson  of  General  Hull  is  preparing  himself 
to  present  to  his  countrymen  that  portion  of  our 
history  which  is  particularly  connected  with  the  life 
and  actions  of  his  ancestor.  It  will  be  a  worthy 
employment  of  his  talents  as  a  scholar,  and  an  inter 
esting  record  of  his  filial  piety. 

"  TheVe  are  perhaps  too  many  still  living  who  are 
interested  in  sustaining  the  unjust  sentence  of  the 
day,  to  permit  us  to  hope  for  the  universal  acceptance 
of  any  work  that  shall  bring  it  and  them  to  reproach, 
by  exposing  the  prejudices  and  party  interests  which 
led  to  it.  But  the  truth,  dispassionately  told,  and 
sustained  by  evidence,  is  sure  to  triumph,  sooner  or 
later.  It  is  one  of  the  common  incidents  of  our 
condition,  a  state  of  war  between  evil  and  good, 
that  its  triumph  is  frequently  too  late  for  the  happi 
ness  of  those  we  respect  and  love. 

"  You  ask  me  what  I  think  about  asking  the 
Government  for  a  revocation  of  the  sentence  of  the 


APPENDIX.1 

Court  Martial.  As  this  is  a  question  which  involves 
the  opinions  and  sentiments  of  others,  rather  than 
myself.  I  should  of  course  think  it  best  to  leave  a 
decision  upon  it,  until  the  work  you  speak  of  shall 
have  appeared,  and  had  its  effect. 

"  The  want  of  regular  and  legal  authority  in  any 
branch  of  the  Government,  to  reverse  such  a  sen 
tence,  will  always  be  the  refuge  of  such  as  may  be 
opposed  to  the  reversal,  and  can  find  no  reasons 
against  it  in  justice.  Governments  are,  moreover, 
unwilling  in  general  to  record  their  own  injustice, 
even  when  the  injustice  has  been  the  work  of  party, 
and  the  party  that  perpetrated  it  has  passed  away. 

"  You  must  be  familiar  with  the  case  of  Admiral 
Byng — the  deepest  stain  I  think  upon  the  memory 
of  Chatham,  and  the  deepest  disgrace  of  George  II. 
and  his  ministers.  Byng  was  sacrificed,  without  a 
solitary  reason  in  his  own  conduct  or  character,  and 
with  no  motive,  but  to  screen  the  incompetency  of 
the  ministers  of  that  day.  Posterity  has  reversed 
the  sentence,  fully  and  unanimously.  But  there  has 
been  no  other  reversal  of  it. 

"  After  all,  a  reversal  by  the  Government  is  a 
form.  The  true  reversal  is  by  the  voice,  and  in  the 
hearts,  of  the  people.  With  those  who  know  the 
case  of  General  Hull,  that  reversal  has,  I  think,  been 
already  pronounced.  The  thing  to  be  desired  by 
the  personal  friends  of  himself  and  his  family  is,  to 
make  that  reversal  the  sentence  of  history. 

"  How  much  I  shall  be  gratified  to  see,  to  live  to 
see,  I  may  say,  all  your  wishes  attained  on  this,  a 


442  APPENDIX. 

subject  among  the  nearest  to  your  heart,  I  need  not 
say. 

"  I  am,  my  dear  madam, 

"  With  great  regard,  your  friend, 

(Signed)  HOR.  BINNEY." 

Letter  from  Colonel  Trumbull  to  Mrs.  Julia  K.  Wheeler, 
a  daughter  of  General  Hull. 

"NEW  HAVEN,  June  3d,  1841. 

"  MADAM, — I  received  in  due  time  the  letter  of 
the  15th  May,  which  you  was  pleased  to  address  to 
me,  accompanying  the  Memoir,  written  by  your  father, 
General  Hull,  which  explains  the  events  of  the  cam 
paign  of  1812.  I  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for 
giving  me  this  opportunity  to  know  and  understand 
the  true  history  of  that  period,  better  than  I  did  before. 

"  The  declaration  and  conduct  of  that  war,  1 
have  always  regarded  as  one  of  the  least  honourable 
passages  of  the  American  history,  but  I  now  view  it 
with  increased  disgust,  as  a  most  disgraceful  period 
of  the  grossest  ignorance  and  misconduct ;  and  what 
is  worse,  a  vile  endeavour  to  divert  public  indignation 
from  its  authors  and  conductors,  by  a  sacrifice  of  the 
reputation,  and  even  life,  of  one  of  the  bravest  offi 
cers  of  the  Revolution. 

"  I  had  not  the  pleasure  of  a  personal  acquaint 
ance  with  your  honoured  father  during  the  Revolu 
tion,  as  we  were  employed  in  quarters  distant  from 
each  other,  but  I  always  regarded  him  as  one  of  the 
ornaments  of  the  service. 

"  With  sincere  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
madam,  your  faithful  servant, 

(Signed)  JNO.  TRUMBULL,'* 

"  Mrs.  JULIA  K.  WHEELER." 


APPENDIX.  443 

NOTE  15. 
Robert  Wallace's  Account  of  the  Surrender  of  Detroit. 

The  following  letter  was  published  May  28th, 
1842,  in  the  Licking  Valley  Register,  at  Covington, 
Kentucky,  and  was  written  by  Robert  Wallace,  a 
gentleman  who  was  one  of  the  Aid-de-Camps  of 
General  Hull.  This  testimony  to  the  character  of 
General  Hull  is  valuable,  because  it  was  given  volun 
tarily,  without  solicitation,  and  without  communica 
tion  with  General  Hull's  friends,  who  did  not  even 
know  that  Mr.  Wallace  was  still  living.  It  is  a  graphic 
and  evidently  correct  account  of  the  principal  inci 
dents  of  the  campaign  and  surrender. 

The  letter  is  here  reprinted  without  alteration, 
except  the  omission  of  a  single  phrase,  concerning 
Captain  Hull,  which  might  be  misunderstood.  All  the 
remarks  of  Mr.  Wallace  upon  General  Hull's  con 
duct,  whether  favourable  or  otherwise,  are  given  with 
out  alteration  or  comment. 


"HULL'S  SURRENDER, 

"  Mr.  R.  C.  LAXGDON  : 

"  SIR, — In  compliance  with  your  request,  and  the 
solicitations  of  several  other  friends,  I  have  written 
out,  from  recollection,  a  brief  detail  of  circumstances 
connected  with  the  surrender  of  Detroit  in  1812. 
My  situation  as  Aid-de-Camp,  afforded  every  oppor 
tunity  for  information,  and  I  am  satisfied  that  nothing 


444  APPENDIX. 

of  any   importance   transpired   in    Hull's   campaign 
without  my  knowledge  of  the  motive. 

"  The  prudence  and  despatch  of  our  march  through 
a  wilderness,  making  our  road  through  woods  and 
swamps  ;  fortifying  our  camps,  and  guarding  against  a 
surprise  from  the  Indians,  inspired  us  with  confidence 
in  our  old  but  experienced  commander.  His  letters 
from  the  War  Department  urged  him  on,  but  our 
heavy  wagons  and  constant  rains  retarded  our  pro 
gress.  On  reaching  the  rapids  of  the  Miami  river, 
we  found  an  American  schooner  bound  for  Detroit. 
Anxious  to  comply  with  his  instructions,  General 
Hull  directed  our  surplus  baggage  to  be  shipped,  and 
set  an  example  to  his  officers,  by  sending  his  own 
trunks  on  board.  His  son,  Captain  Hull,  (who  was 
also  an  Aid,)  in  executing  this  order,  unfortunately 
shipped  a  small  trunk,  containing  the  papers  and 
reports  of  the  army,  for  which  he  was  afterwards  se 
verely  reprimanded  by  his  father.  This  circumstance 
was  since  considered  an  evidence  of  treachery,  but 
without  the  least  foundation  whatever.  On  the  fol 
lowing  night,  in  camp,  we  received  the  declaration  of 
war.  A  council  was  immediately  called,  and  an  officer 
despatched  with  some  men  to  intercept  the  schooner, 
at  the  river  Raisin  ;  but  the  wind  had  been  fair,  and 
she  had  passed  that  river  before  our  messenger  reached 
its  mouth.  The  British  had  received  the  news  of 
war  by  the  Lake,  before  it  reached  us,  and  the 
schooner  was  captured  at  Maiden.  She  had  on  board 
the  most  of  our  baggage,  our  hospital  stores,  our  in 
trenching  tools,  an  officer  and  three  ladies,  belonging 


APPENDIX.  445 

to  the  4th  regiment,  and  a  number  of  invalid  soldiers. 
On  the  4th  of  July  we  delayed  at  the  river  Huron  to 
build  a  bridge  for  our  wagons.  We  remained  under 
arms  all  day,  and  in  order  of  battle,  being  surrounded 
by  Indians,  and  in  sight  of  a  British  frigate  full  of 
troops.  During  that  day  it  was  remarked  to  me  by 
several  officers,  that  General  Hull  appeared  to  have 
no  sense  of  personal  danger,  and  that  he  would  cer 
tainly  be  killed,  if  a  contest  commenced.  This  was 
said,  to  prepare  me  for  taking  orders  from  the  next 
in  rank  ;  and  I  mention  it  to  show  their  opinion  of 
him  at  the  time. 

"  We  encamped  that  night  on  an  open  prairie, 
without  timber  to  fortify,  or  tools  to  intrench.  Our 
rear  was  protected  by  the  river,  our  front  and  flank 
by  fires  at  some  distance  from  the  lines.  Picket- 
guards  were  posted,  scouts  kept  in  motion,  and  half 
the  troops  alternately  under  arms  all  night.  All  lights 
were  extinguished  in  the  camp  but  one  that  was  for 
the  use  of  the  Surgeon,  for  we  expected  an  attack  be 
fore  day.  1  give  this  as  a  specimen  of  vigilance, 
which  could  never  have  been  taken  by  surprise  ;  our 
camp  and  line  of  march  were  always  in  order  of 
battle. 

"  The  extent  of  General  Hull's  instructions  were, 
4  to  protect  Detroit.'  On  our  arrival  there,  most  of 
our  officers  and  men  were  eager  to  cross  the  line, 
which  the  General  was  not  authorized  to  do,  but  on 
receiving  permission,  he  moved  over  at  the  head  of 
two  regiments,  and  sent  back  his  boats  for  the  re 
mainder.  We  looked  for  a  warm  reception,  but  a 


446  APPENDIX. 

feint  towards  Maiden  on  the  previous  evening  had 
induced  the  enemy  to  retire  to  that  post  in  the  night. 
Our  camp  was  fortified  immediately  opposite  Detroit, 
where  a  council  was  held  on  the  propriety  of  attack 
ing  Maiden  without  a  battering  train  of  artillery, 
which  was  not  then  in  readiness.  Some  of  our  officers 
were  willing  to  try  the  experiment,  but  a  majority 
was  opposed  to  the  risk  of  assaulting  a  regular  fort 
with  raw  troops,  and  without  artillery  to  make  a 
breach.  Consequently  it  was  determined  that  we 
should  wait  for  the  mounting  of  some  heavy  guns 
which  lay  at  Detroit,  and  two  floating  batteries 
Were  prepared  for  their  transportation  by  water. 

"  This  determination  occasioned  a  delay  of  nearly 
three  weeks,  which  proved  most  fatal  to  the  results 
of  the  campaign.  Had  we  been  prepared  for  an 
immediate  attack  upon  Maiden,  our  campaign  would 
have  been  as  glorious  as  it  was  otherwise  disastrous, 
and  the  name  of  General  Hull  would  have  been  ex 
alted  to  the  skies. 

"  During  this  unfortunate  interval,  we  subsisted 
in  a  great  measure  upon  supplies  obtained  in  Canada. 
Our  own  stock  would  not  have  sustained  us,  and  all 
communication  with  our  country  was  cut  off.  The 
romantic  policy  of  our  Government,  in  refusing  the 
aid  of  our  own  Indians,  turned  them  against  us,  cut 
off  our  supplies  by  land,  and  increased  the  strength 
of  the  enemy. 

"  A  company  of  volunteers  from  Ohio,  under  Cap 
tain  Brush,  arrived  at  the  river  Raisin  with  some 
cattle  and  flour.  Four  hundred  riflemen,  commanded 


APPENDIX,  447 

by  Major  Vanhorne,  were  sent  to  escort  them  to  De 
troit.  This  detachment  fell  into  an  ambuscade  of 
Indians,  and  was  routed  with  serious  loss.  About 
this  time  we  received  intelligence  of  the  surrender  of 
Mackinaw  and  Chicago,  the  only  American  forts  above 
us  on  the  Lakes.  Two  vessels  came  down,  loaded 
with  furs  and  American  prisoners,  under  white  flags, 
and  expected  to  pass  us  in  the  character  of  cartels ; 
but  they  were  captured  and  placed  between  our  bat* 
teries  at  Detroit.  Those  surrenders  let  loose  upon 
us  all  the  Indians  and  Voyageurs  of  the  upper 
Lakes. 

"  About  the  4th  of  August  our  guns  were  ready  ; 
orders  were  given  to  prepare  three  days'  provisions, 
to  remove  all  surplus  baggage  to  Detroit,  and  the  long 
anticipated  movement  on  Maiden  was  to  have  been 
made  on  the  following  day.  Our  troops  conjectured 
that  such  was  the  intention,  and  were  animated  with 
the  prospect  of  a  decisive  blow.  But  that  night  the 
unfortunate  intelligence  arrived,  that  a  considerable 
force  of  British,  Canadians  and  Indians,  was  coming 
upon  our  rear  by  an  interior  route. 

"  Here  a  ruinous  error  was  committed.  Instead 
of  making  the  attack  on  Maiden  before  the  reinforce 
ments  of  the  enemy  could  arrive,  General  Hull  order 
ed  a  retreat  to  Detroit,  leaving  a  small  and  imperfect 
fortification  with  three  hundred  men,  to  hold  his 
footing  on  the  Canadian  shore,  and  prevent  the  bom- 
bardment  of  Detroit.  After  two  or  three  days 
occupation,  this  miserable  concern  was  abandoned. 
General  Hull's  instructions  <  to  protect  Detroit,' 


448  APPENDIX. 

seemed  ever  uppermost  in  his  mind,  but  he  lacked  the 
energy  necessary  to  accomplish  that  object  by  vigor 
ous  operations  against  the  enemy.  His  policy  was 
altogether  on  the  defensive.  After  our  return  to  De 
troit,  another  detachment  of  about  800  men,  under 
Lieut.  Col.  Miller,  was  despatched  to  meet  Captain 
Brush.  They  met  a  superior  force  of  British  and 
Indians  at  Brownstown,  and  after  a  severe  engage 
ment,  drove  the  British  to  their  boats ;  but  were  too 
much  disabled  to  proceed.  At  the  solicitations  of 
Colonels  Cass  and  McArthur,  those  two  enterprising 
officers  were  permitted  to  take  the  pick  of  their  regi 
ments  and  try  the  circuitous  route  of  Wayne's  old 
trace  through  the  woods.  They  left  Detroit  on  the 
14th  of  August,  whilst  a  movement  was  made  down 
the  river  bank,  to  deceive  the  spies  of  the  enemy,  and 
the  detachment  escaped  their  observation.  Our  pro 
visions  were  now  a  subject  of  serious  concern,  and 
these  circumstances  show  what  prospect  we  had  to 
replenish  them. 

"  When  General  Hull  accepted  the  command  of 
the  Northwestern  Army,  he  stipulated  for  the  speedy 
possession  of  Lake  Erie,  and  the  most  active  opera 
tions  at  its  lower  extremity.  In  all  his  correspond 
ence  with  the  War  Department,  and  with  Generals 
Dearborn  and  Hall  at  the  lower  end  of  the  Lake,  he 
continued  to  urge  those  subjects,  but  our  Government 
was  unprepared  at  every  point  on  the  Lakes.  At 
this  important  crisis  in  the  situation  of  Detroit, 
Dearborn  entered  into  an  armistice  with  General 
Brock  (commander-in-chief  of  the  enemy's  forces), 


APPENDIX.  449 

for  thirty  days,  and  excepted  the  command  of  General 
Hull  from  its  operation.* 

"  In  this  manoeuvre  General  Dearborn  was  entirely 
outwitted.  Brock  came  up  the  Lake  with  every 
vessel,  and  all  the  forces  he  could  muster;  and  the 
first  intimation  we  received  of  his  arrival  was,  a  sum 
mons  to  surrender.  On  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth 
the  messengers  of  Brock  came  over,  and  were  de 
tained  some  hours,  under  pretext  of  deliberation,  but 
in  reality  to  place  ourselves  in  a  better  state  of  de 
fence.  Several  attempts  were  made  to  recall  the 
detachment  under  Cass  and  McArthur,  which  had 
marched  the  day  before,  but  our  spies  reported  the 
woods  to  be  swarming  with  Indians,  and  they  could 
not  get  out.  The  absence  of  Cass  and  McArthur, 
with  perhaps  800  picked  men,  our  deficiency  of  num 
bers  to  protect  the  city  on  all  sides,  and  our  limited 
supply  of  provisions,  were  circumstances  deeply  re 
gretted.  Nevertheless,  a  firm  and  decided  answer 
was  given  in  about  these  words :  '  I  am  prepared  to 
meet  the  forces  under  your  command,  and  all  the 
consequences  attending.'  This  reply  had  no  sooner 
reached  the  opposite  shore,  than  the  batteries  opened 
on  both  sides,  and  a  scene  ensued  sufficient  to  astound 


*  This  statement    of  Mr.  Wai-  cross  Lake  Erie  and  attack  General 

lace  is  in  part  erroneous.     The  ar-  Hull  with  his  whole  force,  which, 

mistice  was  entered  into  between  but  for  the  armistice,  would  have 

Sir    George  Prevost  and  General  been  detained,  in  defence  of  the 

Dearborn  ;  the  effect  of  which,  how-  post,  he  was,   under  the  circum- 

ever,  was  to  enable  General  Brock,  stances,    enabled     temporarily    to 

who  was  advised  of  the  manoeuvre  leave, 
of  Sir  George  Prevost,  at  once  to 

29 


450  APPENDIX. 

the  senses  of  inexperienced  troops.  Still  there  was 
but  little  appearance  of  dismay.  Steady  determina 
tion  appeared  to  be  the  expression  of  almost  every 
eye.  On  removing  a  frame  building  directly  oppo 
site  the  fort,  a  bomb-battery  was  displayed,  and  its 
shells  were  showered  upon  us  in  abundant  profusion. 
Chimneys  and  every  other  object  above  the  walls  of 
the  fort,  were  levelled  with  despatch,  except  the  flag 
of  our  country.  The  stars  and  stripes  still  waved 
amidst  the  smoke,  a  thrilling  appeal  to  every  Ameri 
can  heart.  Soon  after  dark  the  firing  ceased,  but 
was  renewed  with  the  dawn  of  day.  Until  the 
morning  of  the  fatal  16th  of  August,  I  saw  no  flinch 
ing  in  the  countenance  of  General  Hull.  I  had  been 
with  him  both  in  and  out  of  the  fort ;  his  only  appa 
rent  concern  was  to  save  our  ammunition,  for  our 
long  twenty-four  pounders  were  consuming  it  very 
fast ;  and  I  was  sent  repeatedly  to  the  batteries  with 
orders  '  to  fire  with  more  deliberation.' 

"  About  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  Captain  Hull 
found  some  straggling  soldiers  in  the  town.  He 
ordered  them  immediately  to  their  post ;  and  seeing 
them  disposed  to  hesitate,  he  pursued  them  on  horse 
back,  sword  in  hand,  to  their  regiment.  Their 
Colonel  having  given  them  leave  of  absence,  was 
exasperated,  and  made  his  way  to  the  General, 
demanding  the  arrest  of  his  son.  The  Captain  soon 
made  his  appearance,  and  challenged  the  Colonel  to 
fight  him  on  the  spot.  This  circumstance  produced 
the  first  agitation  that  1  discovered  in  General  Hull. 
He  begged  me  to  take  care  of  his  imprudent  son, 


APPENDIX. 


451 


and  he  was  confined  to  a  room  in  the  officers5  quar 
ters. 

"  Soon  after  this  a  more  serious  disaster  occurred, 
which  increased  the  General's  agitation.  A  number 
of  ladies  and  children,  the  families  of  officers  on  duty, 
occupied  a  room  in  the  fort.  General  Hull's  daughter 
and  her  children  were  among  them.  A  ball  entered 
the  house,  killing  two  officers,  who  had  gone  in  to 
encourage  their  families.  The  ladies  and  children, 
many  of  them  senseless,  were  hurried  across  the 
parade  to  a  bomb-proof  vault,  which  had  been  cleared 
out  for  them.  The  General  saw  this  affair  at  a  dis 
tance,  but  knew  not  whom  nor  how  many  were 
destroyed,  for  several  of  the  ladies  were  bespattered 
with  blood.  Other  incidents  soon  followed.  Several 
men  were  cut  down  in  the  fort,  and  two  other  officers 
received  a  ball  through  the  gate.  All  this  time  the 
General  was  walking  back  and  forth  on  the  parade, 
evidently  in  a  very  anxious  state  of  mind.  Several 
propositions  were  made  to  him,  all  of  which,  I  believe, 
he  rejected.  For  instance,  Brigade-Major  Jessup 
proposed  to  cross  the  river,  and  spike  the  enemy's 
guns.  I  think  he  replied,  it  was  a  desperate  experi 
ment,  and  as  the  enemy  was  advancing,  he  could  not 
spare  the  men  from  their  posts.  Captain  Snelling 
proposed  to  haul  down  one  of  our  heavy  guns,  to 
annoy  the  enemy,  then  three  miles  below  the  fort. 
He  replied,  that  the  slender  bridge  below  the  town 
would  not  support  its  weight,  and  the  gun  would 
surely  fall  into  their  hands,  and  be  turned  against  us  ; 
diat  the  men  were  posted  to  the  best  advantage,  and 


452  APPENDIX. 

he  did  not  wish  to  move  them.     The  gun  alluded  to 
weighed,  with  its  carriage,  about  7000  Ibs. 

"  General  Hull  was  then  at  least  sixty-five  years 
of  age,  and  no  doubt  felt  incapable  of  the  bold  exer 
tions  that  his  situation  required.*  He  appeared  ab 
sorbed  in  anxious  thought,  and  disposed  to  avoid  all 
conversation.  My  duty  required  me  to  remain  near 
the  General,  but  seeing  that  he  appeared  to  have  no 
commands  for  me,  I  stepped  across  the  parade  to  as 
sist  in  the  amputation  of  an  officer's  limb.  Whilst 
occupied  in  this  unpleasant  task,  Captain  Burton,  of 
the  4th  regiment,  passed  me  with  a  table-cloth  sus 
pended  to  a  pike.  I  inquired  what  that  was  for* 
He  hastily  replied,  '  It  is  the  General's  order,'  and 
mounting  one  of  the  bastions,  began  to  wave  it  in 
the  air.  I  ran  immediately  to  the  General,  and  in 
quired  the  meaning  of  the  white  flag.  <  I  ordered 
it,  sir,'  was  the  reply ;  and  facing  about,  he  contin 
ued  his  walk.  The  firing  soon  ceased,  and  mounting 
the  breast-work  I  saw  two  British  officers,  with  an 
American  officer,  all  on  horseback,  approaching  the 
gate.  Thinking  their  entrance  improper,  I  informed 
the  General,  and  he  directed  me  c  to  keep  them  out 
of  the  fort.'  I  met  and  conducted  them  to  the  Gen 
eral's  marquee,  which  was  still  in  the  open  camp. 
General  Hull,  with  Colonel  Miller,  of  the  U.  S.  Army, 
and  Colonel  Brush,  of  the  Michigan  militia,  made 

*  This  conjecture  of  Mr.  Wallace  day  of  surrender,  he  would  be  only 

is  incorrect.    As  General  Hull  was  59  years  and  not  quite  two  months 

born  on  the  24th  of  June,  1753 ;  old. 
on  the  16th  of  August,  1812,  the 


APPENDIX.  453 

their  appearance.  The  articles  of  capitulation  were 
then  drawn  up  and  signed  by  Miller  and  Brush  on 
our  part,  and  by  the  two  British  officers  on  theirs.  It 
was  reported  to  General  Brock,  who  shortly  entered 
the  fort,  escorted  by  his  advanced  guard.  Brock  was 
shown  into  a  room,  in  the  officers'  quarters,  where 
Hull  was  waiting,  and  after  settling  some  details, 
the  capitulation  was  ratified  by  their  signatures. 
While  these  matters  were  progressing,  Captain  Hull, 
awaking  from  a  sound  sleep,  discovered  the  British 
grenadiers  in  the  fort.  Breaking  through  a  window, 
he  ran  up  unarmed  and  without  a  hat,  to  the  com 
manding  officer,  and  demanded  his  business  there 

*  with  his  red-coat  rascals.'     The  officer   raised  his 
sword  to  cut  him  down,  but  I  reached  them  in  time, 
to  stay  the   blow,  by   informing   the  officer  that  the 
gentleman   was    partially  deranged.      He  instantly 
dropped  his  arm,  and  thanked  me  for  the  timely  in 
terference.      This   same    Captain    Hull    afterwards 
fought  a  duel,  in   defence  of  his  father's  reputation, 
and  was  at  last  killed  at  the  head  of  his  company,  in 
a  gallant  charge  at  the  battle  of  '  Lundy's   Lane.' 
I  mention  these  particulars,  in  connexion  with  a  re 
mark  since  made  to  me  by  Commodore  Hull,  that 

*  he  knew  his  uncle  was  neither  traitor  nor  coward, 
for  there  was  no  such  blood  in  the  family.'     General 
Hull,  discovering  that  the  British  had  been  permitted 
to  enter  the  fort  before  the  surrender  was  completed, 
remonstrated   with  General  Brock,   who  apologized 
for  the  indecorum,  and  ordered  his  troops  to  retire. 


454  APPENDIX. 

Our  troops  were  then  marched  out,  in  gloomy  silence? 
and  stacked  their  arms  on  the  esplanade.  When 
the  British  flag  was  raised  the  Indians  rushed  in 
from  the  woods — a  countless  number — jelling,  firing, 
seizing  our  horses,  and  scampering  through  the  town 
like  so  many  fiends.  In  addition  to  Tecumseh's 
band,  and  the  Wyandotts,  they  had  gathered  in 
from  all  the  regions  of  the  northern  lakes.  The 
British  regulars  and  Canadians,  were  about  three 
thousand  men ;  but  the  number  of  the  Indians 
could  not  have  been  known  by  General  Brock 
himself.  Our  effective  force  was  probably  fifteen 
hundred  ;  about  four  hundred  regulars,  and  the  re 
mainder  volunteers  and  drafted  militia.*  Most  of 
them  would  have  fought  with  desperation,  for  there 
was  no  possible  chance  of  escape. 

"  We  had  every  reason  to  suppose  that  the  de 
tachment  under  Cass  and  McArthur,  was  at  the  river 
Raisin,  but  to  our  surprise  and  mortification,  they  had 
returned  of  their  own  accord,  having  heard  the  can 
nonade  at  the  distance  of  forty  miles.  They  were 


*  In  representing    the    effective  after :   "  This  detachment,  and  the 

force  of  General  Hull  at  the  time  of  company  under  Captain  Brush,  were 

the  surrender  at  "  probably  fifteen  included  in  the  surrender,  for  their 

hundred,"  the  author  of  this  letter,  preservation,   as  they   might  have 

Robert  Wallace,  it  will  be  perceived,  been  surprised  and  cut  off  by  the 

evidently  included  the  force  to  which  Indians,  of  which  we  had  no  way  to 

he  refers  on  page  449,  as  being  apprise  them."    But  Wallace  does 

absent  with  Cass  and  McArthur,  in  not  undertake  to  be  precise  as  to 

his  computation,  and  also   that  of  numbers,  and  speaks  from  genera* 

Captain  Brush,  for   he    says  soon  recollection. 


APPENDIX.  455 

close  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  at  the  time  of  the 
surrender,  but  without  any  possible  means  of  commu 
nicating  their  position  to  us.  This  detachment,  and 
the  company  under  Captain  Brush,  were  included  in 
the  surrender,  for  their  preservation,  as  they  might 
have  been  surprised  and  cut  off  by  the  Indians,  of 
which  we  had  no  way  to  apprise  them.  As  it  hap 
pened,  two  or  three  British  subjects,  who  had  gone 
out  with  us,  unwilling  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  their 
former  masters,  made  a  desperate  escape  through  the 
woods,  informed  Captain  Brush  of  our  disaster,  and 
his  party  made  a  rapid  retreat  to  the  settlements. 
Cass  and  McArthur  were  soon  apprised  of  their  con 
dition,  and  marched  to  Detroit.  Our  meeting  with 
them  was  truly  distressing.  Cheeks  that  never 
blanched  in  danger,  were  wet  with  tears  of  agony 
and  disappointment.  Yet  I  saw  no  ranting  or  raving, 
such  as  I  have  since  heard  described.  I  heard  but 
one  officer  abuse  the  General  indecorously,  and  he 
had  been  extremely  quiet  and  useless  throughout  the 
campaign. 

"  A  circumstance  which  has  often  been  cited,  as  a 
proof  of  treachery  on  the  part  of  General  Hull,  took 
place  on  the  river  bank,  just  before  the  surrender. 
Lieutenant  Anderson,  of  the  U.  S.  Artillery,  had 
drawn  his  guns  from  behind  our  lower  battery,  charg 
ed  them  with  grape-shot,  and  pointed  them  down  the 
road  on  which  the  enemy  were  approaching.  When 
the  first  platoon  of  their  column  appeared,  his  men 
were  eager  to  fire.  Anderson  forbid  them,  at  the  peril 


456  APPENDIX. 

of  their  lives,  to  touch  a  gun,  without  his  orders,  wish 
ing  to  get  the  enemy  in  a  fair  raking  position,  before 
they  should  discover  their  danger ;  but  the  officer  at 
the  head  of  the  column,  perceiving  the  snare,  gave 
notice  to  General  Brock,  who  immediately  changed 
the  position  of  his  troops,  and  advanced  under  cover 
of  the  thick  orchards  which  stood  between  them  and 
the  fort.  Anderson  was  said  to  have  reserved  his 
fire  by  the  special  order  of  General  Hull,  which  I 
know  to  be  false — for  I  had  just  delivered  a  different 
order,  and  was  waiting  by  his  side,  to  see  the  effect 
of  his  intended  explosion.  When  the  white  flag  was 
raised,  this  same  Lieutenant  broke  his  sword  over 
one  of  his  guns,  and  burst  into  tears. 

"  After  the  surrender,  General  Hull  retired  to  his 
own  house,  where  he  had  lived  while  Governor  of 
Michigan.  It  was  occupied  by  his  son-in-law,  Mr. 
Hickman,  and  his  family.  One  of  General  Brock's 
Aids  suggested  to  me  the  propriety  of  a  British  guard, 
to  protect  the  General's  house  from  the  Indians ;  to 
which  I  assented  without  consulting  General  Hull,  as 
they  had  already  seized  our  baggage  in  the  street. 
This  British  guard,  was  considered  another  strong 
ground  of  suspicion ;  but  General  Hull  supposed  it 
was  sent  to  prevent  his  escape. 

"  General  Brock  took  up  his  quarters  at  a  vacant 
house  on  the  main  street ;  Tecumseh  occupied  a  part 
of  the  same  building,  to  whom  I  had  the  honour  of  an 
introduction.  He  was  a  tall,  straight,  and  noble 
looking  Indian  ;  dressed  in  a  suit  of  tanned  buckskin, 


APPENDIX.  457 

with  a  morocco  sword-belt  round  his  waist.  On 
being  announced  to  him,  he  said  through  his  inter 
preter,  <  Well,  you  are  a  prisoner,  but  it  is  the  fortune 
of  war,  and  you  are  in  very  good  hands.' 

"  On  the  17th,  General  Hull  with  his  staff  and 
the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  regular  army,  were 
ordered  on  board  the  c  Queen  Charlotte,'  a  frigate  of 
thirty-six  guns.  While  sitting  in  the  after-cabin  with 
General  Hull,  alone,  he  suddenly  addressed  me  to  this 
effect :  <  My  young  friend,  1  remember  a  promise  I 
made  to  your  relatives  at  Cincinnati,  that  if  it  was 
within  my  power,  to  return  you  safe  to  them,  it  should 
be  done.  You,  as  a  volunteer,  are  entitled  to  your 
parole,  and  1  think  you  had  better  claim  it.'  Having 
a  desire  to  see  the  world  and  perhaps  obtain  some  in 
formation  that  might  be  useful  to  my  country,  I  de 
clined  the  proposition, and  told  the  General,  I  preferred 
to  share  his  fortunes  ;  that  I  had  been  with  him  in 
prosperity,  and  would  not  desert  him  in  adversity. 
The  General  was  deeply  affected,  but,  in  a  few  mo 
ments  replied,  '  that  he  regretted  the  necessity  of  our 
separation,  but  must  redeem  his  pledge,  and  thought 
it  inexpedient  for  me  to  remain  a  prisoner  in  my  youth, 
perhaps  for  years,  and  the  loss  of  time  might  be  a 
serious  disadvantage  to  me.'  I  was  obliged  to  accede 
to  his  wishes.  He  then  sent  for  Commodore  Bar 
clay,  and  claimed  my  privilege,  to  which  that  noble 
officer  readily  assented.  He  then  wrote  a  certificate 
of  my  correct  deportment,  &LC.,  while  under  his  com 
mand,  in  the  form  of  a  letter ;  and  when  the  boat 
was  ready  to  convey  me  on  board  a  merchant  vessel, 


458  APPENDIX. 

bound  to  Cleveland,  he  pressed  my  hand  for  some 
moments,  and  then  exclaimed,  *  God  bless  you,  my 
young  friend  ! — you  return  to  your  family  without  a 
stain — as  for  myself,  1  may  have  sacrificed  a  reputa 
tion,  dearer  to  me  than  life,  but  I  have  saved  the  in 
habitants  of  Detroit,  and  my  heart  approves  of  the 
act.'  The  Commodore  insisted  on  a  parting  glass  of 
wine,  which  we  drank  in  silence,  and  I  left  the 
ship. 

"  General  Hull  was  a  man  of  tender  feelings  and 
accomplished  manners  ;  his  hair  was  white  with  age, 
his  person  rather  corpulent,  but  his  appearance  was 
dignified  and  commanding.  In  the  army  of  the  Rev 
olution,  he  was  esteemed  a  brave  and  gallant  officer, 
which  was  attested  by  Washington  and  other  distin 
guished  men  ;  and  while  upon  his  trial,  the  letters  of 
those  who  survived,  poured  in,  in  his  behalf.  The 
man  who  led  the  attack  on  Stony  Point,  could  not 
well  be  a  coward  ;  Wayne  would  not  have  selected  one 
for  that  desperate  assault ;  nor  can  I  ever  believe  he 
was  a  traitor, — no  man  of  his  age  could  have  mani 
fested  more  general  devotion  to  the  service  of  his 
country.  What  then  (you  would  ask)  was  the  cause 
of  his  surrender  ?  I  can  answer  this  question  ac 
cording  to  my  own  impressions. 

"  First.  It  was  the  want  of  preparation  when  the 
war  commenced.  Had  our  guns  been  mounted,  we 
should  have  taken  Maiden  without  delay,  which 
would  have  kept  the  Indians  quiet,  and  turned  the 
whole  tide  of  events  in  our  favour.  It  was  General 
Harrison's  opinion,  that  <  Hull's  army  must  be  sacri- 


APPENDIX.  459 

ficed,  for  the  want  of  communication  with  his  coun 
try.'  It  was  Perry's  victory  on  the  Lake,  that  cap 
tured  Maiden  and  restored  Detroit. 

"  Second.  It  was  the  want  of  co-operation  at 
other  points,  to  prevent  the  concentration  of  the 
enemy  at  Detroit.  The  armistice  of  Dearborn  was 
a  finishing  touch  to  us. 

"  Third.  It  was  the  want  of  that  energy  and  en 
terprise  which  a  man  may  have  in  the  prime  of  life, 
but  which  is  seldom  retained,  in  civil  life,  at  the  age  of 
sixty-five. 

"  Fourth.  It  was  his  fatherly  attachment  to  the 
citizens  of  Detroit,  whose  Governor  and  protector  he 
had  been  for  years,  and  knew  them  personally,  man, 
woman,  and  child. 

"  Hull  might  have  defended  the  fort  while  his  pro 
visions  held  out,  but  whether  the  inhabitants  of  De 
troit  would  not  have  been  butchered,  on  the  night  of 
the  16th,  is  a  question  1  cannot  answer.  Perhaps 
the  more  immediate  cause  of  the  surrender,  was  the 
absence  of  Cass  and  McArthur.  He  had  the  utmost 
confidence  in  Colonel  McArthur,  as  a  brave  executive 
officer  ;  and  in  Colonel  Cass  as  an  intelligent  and  able 
adviser.  Had  they  been  present  with  their  men,  or 
had  we  even  known  their  position,  there  would  pro 
bably  have  been  no  surrender  at  that  time. 

"The  cry  of  traitor  spread  among  the  soldiers,  and 
it  became  a  popular  cry  through  the  country.  But  I 
have  not  met  with  a  field  officer  of  that  army,  who 
believed  there  was  treason  in  the  case.  General 
Cass  has  since  declared  to  me,  that  he  thought  the 


460  APPENDIX. 

main  defect  of  General  Hull,  was  '  the  imbecility  of 
age,'  and  it  was  the  defect  of  all  the  old  veterans, 
who  took  the  field  in  the  late  war.  A  peaceful  gov 
ernment  like  ours,  must  always  labour  under  similar 
disadvantages.  Our  superannuated  officers  must  be 
called  into  service,  or  men  without  experience  must 
command  our  armies. 

"  It  may  be  supposed,  that  I  am  a  little  partial  to 
my  old  commander,  who  treated  me  with  all  the 
kindness  of  a  father ; — but  he  is  long  since  dead,  and 
I  have  no  inducement  to  disguise  the  truth  or  to 
cover  his  defects.  I  was  not  examined  at  his  trial, 
and  1  will  state  the  circumstances  that  prevented  me. 
When  the  trial  was  first  ordered  at  Philadelphia,  I 
attended,  but  it  was  postponed  for  ten  or  twelve 
months,  and  afterwards  held  at  Albany,  in  New-York. 
Having  changed  my  residence,  my  summons  did  not 
reach  me  until  the  trial  had  commenced,  and  I  arrived 
there  just  in  time  to  hear  the  closing  speech  of  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  who  was  Prosecutor  on  the  occasion.  I 
remember  his  identical  words  in  relation  to  the  prin 
cipal  charge  ;  viz.,  '  The  charge  of  treason  is  not 
only  unsupported,  but  unsupportable?  and  from  that 
charge  General  Hull  is  entirely  acquitted.'  Hull  was 
condemned  for  cowardice  and  sentenced  to  be  shot, 
but  recommended  by  the  Court  to  the  mercy  of  the 
President,  on  account  of  his  Revolutionary  services. 
The  President  remitted  the  sentence,  but  dismissed  him 
from  the  army.  He  afterwards  wrote  a  defence,  which 
was  so  highly  approved  in  Boston,  that  a  public  din 
ner  was  tendered  him,  as  an  evidence  of  their  appro- 


APPENDIX. 

bation.  My  situation  with  General  Hull  was  thrown 
up  to  me  in  a  taunting  manner,  by  a  distinguished 
editor  in  Louisville,  during  the  glories  of  1840.  I 
paid  no  attention  to  it  then,  but  will  now  remark, 
that  the  appointment  was  eagerly  sought  for  by  older 
men  than  myself,  of  the  first  respectability,  who 
would  then  have  been  proud  to  have  taken  my 
place. 

"  The  result  of  the  campaign  was  a  sore  disap 
pointment  ;  but  I  served  my  country  faithfully,  with 
out  pay  or  reward  ;  lost  my  horses  and  equipage  into 
the  bargain,  and  have  never  regretted  the  sacrifice. 
If  this  brief  sketch  affords  amusement  to  your 
readers,  or  adds  one  mite  to  the  truth  of  history,  I 
shall  be  satisfied. 

"  Respectfully  yours, 

(Signed)        ROBERT  WALLACE," 


NOTE  16. 

Letter  respecting  the  destitution  of  the  country  in  1812,  and 
the  building  of  Perry's  fleet. 

[The  following  letter  has  been  kindly  communi 
cated  by  a  gentleman  who  has  resided  for  many 
years  in  Western  Pennsylvania,  and  who  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  transactions  in  that  region  in 
1812.  Its  details  concerning  Perry's  efforts  to  pre 
pare  his  fleet,  will  be  found  to  be  especially  inter 
esting.] 


462  APPENDIX. 

"MEADVILLE,  April  6,  1846. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR, — You  ask  me  to  give  you  my 
recollections  as  to  the  state  of  destitution  in  which 
the  country  found  itself,  when  it  was  soimprovidently 
involved  in  war  in  1812,  and  as  to  the  mismanage 
ment  of  matters  during  the  continuance  of  the  con 
test.  This  I  will  cheerfully  do,  premising,  however, 
that,  from  my  local  situation,  most  of  my  information 
was  necessarily  derived  from  public  papers,  discus 
sions  in  Congress,  or  from  hearsay ;  and  further,  that 
I  am  speaking  of  matters  which  occurred  upwards  of 
thirty  years  ago.  The  facts,  however,  to  which  I 
shall  advert,  may  perhaps  be  of  use  to  you,  in  leading 
you  to  a  more  extended  inquiry  in  regard  to  them. 

"  Seldom  had  a  nation  better  cause  for  going  to 
war  than  we  had  in  1812.  Our  seamen  impressed; 
our  commerce  interrupted  ;  our  vessels  captured  and 
condemned,  and  one  of  our  public  vessels  attacked, 
and  some  of  the  crew  taken  out  of  it;  in  one  W7ord, 
every  injury  and  insult  was  offered  us  which  a 
haughty,  overbearing  nation  could  offer  to  a  weak 
and  enduring  one.  England  knew  our  national  im 
becility,  and,  presuming  on  that  knowledge,  thought 
that  she  could  play  the  bully  with  impunity.  This 
was  one  of  the  main  causes  which  led  to  the  war  of 
1812. 

"  Mr.  Madison  and  his  cabinet  were  fully  sensible 
of  the  unpreparedness  of  the  country,  and  wished  to 
avoid  war.  They  made  no  preparation  for  a  coming 
contest,  either  by  an  augmentation  of  the  army  or 
navy,  or  by  a  repair  of  our  forts,  or  by  filling  our 


APPENDIX.  463 

arsenals.  It  appeared  as  if  the  Government  intended 
to  keep  down  the  war-spirit,  bj  keeping  the  country 
in  a  state  of  utter  destitution.  If  so,  they  were  mis 
taken.  It  is  said  that  the  wrar  party  in  Congress 
presented  to  the  Administration  the  alternative  either 
of  war,  or  of  their  (the  war-party)  opposing  the  Ad 
ministration,  and  Mr.  Madison's  re-election.  Unfor 
tunately  Mr.  Madison  preferred  his  popularity ;  and 
we  were  hurried  into  a  war  in  such  a  state  of  total 
unpreparedness,  that  the  commercial  portion  of  the 
community  would  not  believe  that  such  an  act  of 
insanity  was  possible,  until  war  was  actually  de 
clared.  If  Mr.  Madison,  even  at  the  opening  of  the 
session  of  1811-12,  had  recommended  to  Congress 
to  prepare  the  country  for  war,  and  had  refused  to 
declare  war  until  the  country  should  be  prepared  for 
it,  I  feel  confident  that  the  war  would  have  been 
avoided.  England  did  not  wish  to  go  to  war  ;  she 
only  presumed  on  our  forbearance.  The  moment 
she  found  we  were  in  earnest,  she  repealed  her 
orders  in  council,  one  of  the  most  objectionable  of 
her  aggressions. 

"  I  shall  now  mention  a  few  instances  of  the  unpre 
paredness  of  the  country,  when  war  was  declared,  in 
1812. 

"  During  the  administration  of  the  elder  Adams,  a 
small  navy  was  created,  consisting  of  a  few  frigates, 
and  some  smaller  vessels.  On  Mr.  Jefferson's  coming 
into  power,  two  of  the  frigates  (perhaps  some  other 
of  the  public  vessels)  were  sold,  and  the  public  money 
was  wasted  in  building  gun-boats,  a  JefTersonian 


464  APPENDIX. 

philosophical  experiment,  which  proved  worse  than 
useless.  I  am  not  aware  that  a  single  shot  was  fired 
from  one  of  these  gun-boats  (unless  it  were  at  or 
near  New  Orleans)  during  the  whole  course  of  the 
war.  In  1804  our  small  naval  force  was  still  further 
diminished  by  the  loss  of  the  frigate  Philadelphia 
(one  of  the  finest  in  our  navy),  which  was  wrecked 
near  Tripoli,  and  afterwards  burned.  None  of  these 
defalcations  were  supplied  by  the  substitution  of  other 
vessels. 

"  But  I  shall  pass  to  the  situation  of  the  naval 
force  on  Lake  Erie,  as  being  more  intimately  con 
nected  with  the  object  of  your  inquiry. 

"  During  the  administration  of  the  elder  Adams, 
a  vessel  of  war  was  built  (bearing  his  name),  which, 
at  the  time,  gave  us  the  command  of  Lake  Erie.  To 
judge  of  the  importance  of  having  the  command  of 
that  Lake,  we  must  take  into  consideration  the  situa 
tion  of  the  country  bordering  on  it.  That  was,  pre 
vious  to  1812,  with  few  exceptions,  an  unbroken  wil 
derness,  yielding  no  supplies.  All  the  provisions,  and 
most  of  the  warlike  stores,  for  the  forts  on  the  Lakes, 
Detroit,  Michilimackinac,  Chicago,  and  I  believe 
even  Niagara,  were  drawn  from  the  neighborhood  of 
Pittsburgh,  ascended  the  Alleghany  river  and  French 
creek,  and  were  shipped  at  the  port  of  Erie  for  their 
several  places  of  destination.  The  three  first-named 
forts  were  totally  dependent  on  the  navigation  of  the 
Lakes  for  their  supplies.  That  cut  off,  and  these  posts 
became,  in  a  great  measure,  untenable.  The  Gov 
ernment  appears  to  have  been  aware  of  this  fact,  but 


APPENDIX.  465 

no  adequate  measures  were  taken  to  secure  the  com 
mand  of  the  Lakes.  No  new  vessels  of  war  were 
built  there.  The  only  thing  done  was  to  haul  up  the 
Adams,  in  order  to  have  her  lengthened,  so  as  to  ren 
der  her  better  able  to  cope  with  the  English  war 
vessels  on  the  Lake.  But  such  was  the  improvidence 
of  our  Government,  that  the  Adams  was  yet  on  the 
stocks  when  war  was  declared.  She  was,  I  believe, 
subsequently  launched — fell  into  the  hands  of  the  En 
glish  at  the  surrender  of  Detroit — was  cut  out  from 
under  Fort  Erie,  Upper  Canada,  by  Captain  Elliott, 
and  was,  on  that  occasion,  wrecked  on  the  rocks  in 
the  Niagara  river.  The  English  having  thus  the  un 
disputed  possession  of  Lake  Erie,  and  the  upper 
Lakes,  the  fate  of  the  upper  posts  was  sealed. 
There  were  then  no  roads  connecting  these  posts 
with  the  settled  parts  of  the  country,  by  which  sup 
plies  could  be  obtained.  The  communication  with 
Detroit,  (the  only  one  of  these  posts  which  might  be 
supplied  by  land,)  was,  by  reason  of  intervening 
swamps,  forests,  and  rivers,  so  difficult,  as  to  be  easily 
cut  off  by  an  enemy ;  and  hence  Messrs.  Cass  and 
McArthur,  who,  with  a  considerable  force,  were  sent 
to  bring  provisions  to  the  Fort,  did  not  bring  them, 
because  the  enemy  would  not  let  them.  When  in 
1813,  Harrison's  army  penetrated  to  Fort  Meigs,  it 
was  with  the  utmost  difficulty,  and  at  an  immense 
expense  of  money,  that  its  most  indispensable  wants 
could  be  supplied,  and  yet  the  only  existing  obstacle 
arose  from  the  badness  of  the  roads  and  the  distance 

of  transportation.    But  the  worst  part  of  the  road  to 

30 


466  APPENDIX. 

Detroit  was  situated  north  of  the  Maumee  river ; 
and  that  portion  of  the  road,  from  its  contiguity  to 
the  Lake  arid  to  Maiden,  was  constantly  liable  to  in 
terruption  by  the  enemy.  Hence  Harrison  could 
never  advance  beyond  the  Maumee,  until  Perry's 
victory  gave  us  the  command  of  the  Lakes.  He  then 
easily  advanced — invaded  Canada — defeated  and 
captured  the  whole  of  the  British  force,  and  then 
stopped  short  in  his  career  of  conquest,  having  by 
that  time  probably  become  sensible,  that  the  project 
of  conquering  Canada  by  the  way  of  Detroit,  was  a 
most  miserable  military  blunder. 

"  It  is  perfectly  clear  that  all  our  early  disasters 
on  the  upper  Lakes  were  to  be  attributed  to  the  En 
glish  having  the  command  of  the  Lakes  ;  and  that,  if 
the  Adams  had  been  fitted  out  in  time,  and  perhaps 
another  vessel  of  war  added,  so  as  to  give  us  the  de 
cided  superiority  on  the  water,  the  loss  of  Detroit 
and  Michilimackinac,  and  the  massacre  of  the  garri 
son  of  Chicago,  would  not  only  have  been  prevented, 
but  we  should  also  have  saved  the  enormous  ex 
penditures  attendant  on  Harrison's  campaign,  and 
the  fitting  out  of  Perry's  fleet  on  Lake  Erie. 

"  To  the  gross  error  of  not  securing  a  naval  supe 
riority,  was  added  the  neglect  of  putting  our  military 
posts  in  a  proper  state  of  defence,  and  of  furnishing 
them  with  ample  supplies.  I  was  told  that  the 
works  of  all  these  posts  were  in  a  state  of  dilapida 
tion,  and  that  even  the  gun-carriages  at  Detroit  were 
unfit  for  service,  and  had  to  be  repaired,  or  replaced 
by  new  ones,  before  the  guns  could  be  used.  On 


APPENDIX. 


467 


this  point,  the  papers  of  General  Hull  will  probably 
give  you  more  correct  information. 

"  But  a  far  more  guilty  piece  of  negligence,  was 
the  omission  to  give  the  commanders  of  the  different 
posts  timely  notice  of  the  intended  declaration  of 
war.  Instead  of  getting  the  information  of  the  de 
claration  of  war  from  their  own  Government,  they 
learned  it  through  the  enemy ;  and  the  consequence 
was,  that  Michilimackinac  was  surprised  before  it  was 
known  that  there  was  war  ;  that  a  part  of  the  baggage 
of  Hull's  army  was  captured  ;  and  that  the  garrison 
at  Chicago,  which  ought  either  to  have  been  ade 
quately  strengthened,  or  withdrawn  in  time,  was  mas 
sacred  by  the  Indians  immediately  on  leaving  the 
fort  to  fall  back  on  Detroit,  as  they  had  been  directed 
to  do.  The  loss  of  Mackinaw  and  Chicago  removed 
every  check  on  the  incursion  of  the  western  Indians, 
and  their  operations  soon  rendered  the  communication 
between  Detroit  and  the  settled  portions  of  Ohio 
impracticable,  and  thus  the  fate  of  that  post,  and  of 
Hull's  army,  became  unavoidable.  The  latter  de 
feated  the  Indians  at  Maguaga ;  they  might  perhaps 
have  beaten  the  English  under  General  Brock,  but 
this  could  only  postpone  their  fate,  not  avert  it.  Cut 
off  from  all  intercourse  with  those  points  from  which 
their  supplies  were  derived,  they  must  either  starve  or 
surrender,  there  was  no  third  alternative. 

"  The  impracticability  of  General  Harrison's 
penetrating  beyond  the  Maumee,  and  the  enormous 
expense  incurred  in  supplying  his  army  there,  that 
he  might  cover  that  section  of  country  against  the 


468  APPENDIX, 

enemies,  at  length  convinced  the  Government  of  the 
absolute  necessity  of  obtaining  the  mastery  of  Lake 
Erie  ;  and  in  the  spring  of  1813,  the  construction  of 
a  fleet  was  commenced  at  the  port  of  Erie.  This 
fleet  was  to  consist  of  two  brigs,  carrying  twenty 
guns  each ;  three  gun-boats,  and  an  advice-boat.  No 
previous  preparation  had  been  made  for  the  building 
and  equipment  of  this  fleet.  On  the  1st  of  April? 
1813,  nearly  all  the  timber  used  for  the  construction 
of  this  fleet,  was  still  standing  in  the  forest.  Thisy 
however,  was  on  the  spot,  but  all  the  other  materiel 
for  this  fleet,  such  as  cordage,  blocks,  anchors,  gunsy 
ammunition,  &c.,  had  to  be  brought  from  a  distance, 
most  of  it  from  Philadelphia.  To  form  some  idea  of 
the  trouble  and  expense  attending  the  transportation 
of  this  materiel,  you  must  recollect  that  at  that  time 
the  turnpike  from  Philadelphia  westward,  extended 
only  to  Harrisburgh ;  that  from  thence  to  Pittsburgh. 
a  distance  of  200  miles,  the  road,  particularly  in  the 
mountains,  was  very  rough  ;  and  that  from  Pittsburgh 
to  Erie,  a  distance  of  about  130  miles,  the  roads  being 
common  country  roads,  were  very  soon  so  cut  up  by 
the  heavy  hauling  on  them,  as  to  become  nearly  im 
passable.  To  give  some  idea  of  the  expense  of 
transportation  I  would  observe,  that  previous  to  the 
war  of  1812,  and  after  the  close  of  it  in  1815,  the 
expense  of  transportation  from  Philadelphia  to  Mead- 
ville,  might  be  computed  at  12J  cents  per  pound.  If 
we  now  add  to  this  the  37  miles  increased  distance 
from  Meadville  to  Erie,  and  make  due  allowance  for 
the  increased  expense  during  a  state  of  war,  and  take 


APPENDIX. 


469 


also  into  consideration  that  in  the  hauling  for  the 
public  there  were  no  return  freights,  1  think  we  shall 
not  be  far  wrong  in  estimating  the  expense  of  trans 
portation  from  Philadelphia  to  Erie  at  about  20  cents 
per  pound. 

The  officer  selected  to  superintend  the  construc 
tion  of  this  fleet,  and  to  command  it,  was  Oliver  H. 
Perry,  a  young  man  of  about  27  years  of  age,  and 
then  a  Master-Commandant  in  the  navy.  Happily 
for  the  West,  a  more  judicious  selection  could  hardly 
have  been  made.  To  a  sound  practical  judgment, 
Perry  joined  an  uncommon  degree  of  energy,  and 
an  untiring  industry,  and  these  enabled  him,  with 
very  inadequate  means,  to  have  his  fleet  ready  for 
service  in  August,  and  to  achieve,  on  the  10th  Sep 
tember  1813,  the  memorable  victory,  which  will  hand 
his  name  down  to  posterity.  Most  people  in  this 
country  know  Perry  only  as  the  hero  of  the  10th  of 
September.  This  is  doing  him  great  injustice.  I, 
who  was  intimate  with  him,  and  was  acquainted  with 
the  difficulties  he  had  to  contend  with  in  the  equip 
ment  of  his  fleet,  always  considered  that  he  showed 
more  real  greatness  by  the  courage  with  which  he 
bore  up  under  these  difficulties,  than  by  his  victory. 
To  form  some  idea  of  Perry's  situation,  you  must 
know  that,  up  to  the  end  of  August,  he  had  under 
him  but  a  single  commissioned  officer  (the  present 
Capt.  Turner),  then  a  young  man  without  experience, 
and  who  had  but  recently  been  commissioned.  The 
rest  of  Perry's  officers  were  young  midshipmen. 
Just  previous  to  the  action,  Capt.  Elliott  (then  a 


470  APPENDIX. 

Master-Commandant)  joined  the  fleet,  and  this  made 
three  commissioned  officers  to  a  fleet  of  six  vessels  of 
war. 

In  point  of  men,  Capt.  Perry's  means  were  still 
more  deficient.  The  marines  for  the  fleet,  furnished 
by  the  Government  from  the  Depot  at  Washington, 
consisted  of  a  Capt.  or  Lieut.  (Brooks,  killed  in  the  ac 
tion),  and  of  a  Sergeant,  a  drummer,  and  a  fifer.  Two 
or  three  men  were  recruited  on  the  route  to  Erie,  and 
the  rest  of  the  marines  had  to  be  recruited  at  Erie. 
As  to  sailors,  Perry's  means  were  also  greatly  defi 
cient.  By  one  of  those  arrangements  so  common 
during  the  war  in  question,  the  expediency  of  which 
it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  with  common  sense,  Perry 
was  put  under  the  orders  of  Chauncey,  the  Com 
mander  of  the  naval  force  on  Lake  Ontario,  and 
all  the  supplies  of  men,  intended  for  Lake  Erie? 
wherever  enlisted,  were  in  the  first  instance  sent  to 
Sacket's  Harbour.  The  consequences  were  such  as 
might  have  been  expected.  So  long  as  men  could 
be  used  on  Lake  Ontario,  to  fill  up  the  crews  of  the 
vessels  there  to  their  full  complement,  none  were 
sent  to  Perry,  and  when  any  were  sent,  they  were 
the  refuse  of  the  drafts.  Captain  Elliot  stated  sub 
sequently,  in  my  presence,  that,  serving  at  that  lime 
on  Lake  Ontario,  he  had  himself  had  the  picking  of 
the  men  to  be  sent  to  Lake  Erie,  and  that  none  were 
sent  but  the  worst ;  and  that  if  he  could  then  have 
foreseen  that  he  himself  should  be  sent  to  Lake  Erie, 
his  selections  would  have  been  very  different.  Perry  y 
in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  expressed 


APPENDIX.  471 

some  surprise  that  so  large  a  portion  of  the  prime 
New  England  sailors,  enlisted  in  the  cities,  should 
be  turned  into  negroes  and  mulattoes  before  they 
reached  him ;  but  acknowledged  himself  grateful  for 
getting  even  such.  And  well  he  might  be  so,  con 
sidering  how  alarmingly  deficient  he  was  in  men. 
After  the  si£  vessels,  built  at  Erie,  were  all  launched, 
and  while  he  was  fitting  them  out,  he  had  but  about 
a  hundred  men,  of  which,  from  sundry  causes,  a  large 
number  were  on  the  sick  list.  As  all  fit  for  duty  had 
to  work  hard  the  whole  day  in  fitting  out  the  fleet, 
there  were  no  spare  men  to  row  even  a  single  guard- 
boat,  to  give  notice  of  any  night  attack  which  might 
be  made  on  the  fleet.  An  English  fleet  of  five  ves 
sels  of  war  was  at  that  time  cruising  off  the  harbour, 
in  full  view.  That  fleet  might,  at  any  time,  have  sent 
jts  boats,  during  a  dark  night,  and  the  destruction  of 
the  whole  American  fleet  was  almost  inevitable,  for 
Perry's  force  was  totally  inadequate  to  its  defence, 
and  the  regiment  of  Midland  Pennsylvania  Militia, 
stationed  at  Erie  expressly  for  the  defence  of  the 
fleet,  refused  to  keep  guard  at  night  on  board.  '  I 
told  the  boys  to  go,  Captain,'  said  the  worthless 
Colonel  of  this  regiment,  in  excusing  himself  for  not 
sending  a  guard  on  board,  '  1  told  the  boys  to  go,  but 
the  boys  won't  go.' 

"  In  this  state  of  destitution  Perry  was  left  for 
weeks ;  and  a  more  trying  one  cannot  well  be  im 
agined.  Intrusted  with  the  command  of  an  impor 
tant  squadron,  for  the  safety  of  which  he  was  held 
responsible,  without  being  furnished  with  the  means 


472  APPENDIX. 

to  defend  it,  he  never  could  go  to  sleep  with  the 
reasonable  certainty  that  before  morning  his  fleet 
would  not  be  destroyed,  and  his  reputation  and  pro 
fessional  prospects  be  blasted  for  ever  ;  for  he  knew 
well  enough  that,  in  case  of  any  accident,  he  would 
be  made  the  scape-goat. 

"  Under  these  trying  circumstances  Perry  con 
stantly  bore  up  with  a  constancy  and  fortitude  which 
excited  my  admiration  more  than  did  his  subsequent 
victory.  I  never  knew  his  fortitude  to  forsake  him 
except  once,  and  then  his  despondency  was  only 
momentary.  He  had  been  promised  that,  by  a  cer 
tain  day,  Chauncey  would  be  at  the  head  of  Lake 
Ontario,  and  land  there  the  men  necessary  to  man 
Perry's  fleet.  Perry  had  sent  an  officer  to  receive 
this  detachment,  and  to  conduct  it  to  Erie.  He  was 
elated  with  the  prospect  of  having  his  wants  at 
length  supplied  ;  and  it  was  when  his  officer  returned, 
and  reported  that  Chauncey  had  been  at  the  head 
of  the  Lake  at  the  appointed  time,  had  received  his 
letter,  and  had  sailed  again  down  Lake  Ontario 
without  landing  a  man,  or  sending  any  answer,  that 
Perry's  fortitude,  for  a  moment,  appeared  to  give  way, 
and  that  he  complained  bitterly  to  me  of  the  state  of 
abandonment  in  which  his  country  left  him. 

"  When,  ultimately,  the  vessels  were  ready  to 
sail,  Perry  called  on  the  militia  for  volunteers,  to 
serve  on  board,  while  the  vessels  were  getting  over 
the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbour,  it  being  expected 
that  he  would  be  attacked  during  the  slow  process 
of  getting  the  vessels  over.  After  the  vessels  had 


APPENDIX.  473 

been  got  over,  he  again  called  for  volunteers  to  make 
a  short  cruise  with  him  to  Long  Point,  and  the  lower 
part  of  the  Lake,  in  quest  of  the  enemy.  How 
many  volunteers  he  obtained  I  do  not  now  recollect, 
but  among  them  was  a  rifle  company,  consisting  of 
72  men  from  this  neighbourhood.  It  was  while  Perry 
was  absent  on  this  cruise,  that  Elliott  arrived  at  Erie 
with  a  reinforcement  of  100  seamen.  Thus  rein 
forced,  Perry  sailed  up  the  Lake  to  Sandusky  Bay. 
Here  he  got  an  additional  supply  of  about  60  sailors, 
from  some  of  the  regular  regiments  in  Harrison's 
army,  and  a  considerable  number  of  volunteers  to 
serve  as  marines.  Notwithstanding  all  these  rein 
forcements,  Perry  had,  on  the  day  of  the  action,  on 
his  own  vessel,  a  crew  of  only  120  men,  of  whom 
about  20  were  on  the  sick  list. 

"  From  what  I  have  said,  it  must  not  be  inferred 
that  Captain  Barclay,  Perry's  opponent,  was  wanting 
either  in  courage  or  enterprise.  He  was  a  brave 
man,  but  placed,  like  Perry,  under  the  orders  of  the 
commander  on  Lake  Ontario,  and,  like  his  antago 
nist,  treated  in  the  most  niggardly  manner. 

"  The  mismanagement  respecting  the  army  was 
equally  great.  The  officers  appointed  to  the  new  re 
giments  were,  with  some  exceptions,  totally  ignorant 
of  all  military  knowledge.  Too  many  of  them  were 
young  men  of  dissipated  habits,  unfit  for  civil  pur 
suits  or  occupations  ;  or  political  brawlers  who  had 
recommended  themselves  to  the  Government  by  their 
noisy  patriotism.  The  common  men  were  mostly 
enlisted  in  taverns  and  beer-houses.  At  first,  the  en- 


474  APPENDIX.] 

listments  were,  if  my  recollection  serves  me,  for 
three  years,  or  during  the  war.  As  the  difficulty  of 
obtaining  men  increased,  the  bounty  was  increased, 
and  the  term  of  service  shortened,  until,  at  last,  a  heavy 
bounty  was  given  to  men  who  were  enlisted  only  for 
nine  months.  A  more  ruinous  system  it  would  be 
difficult  to  conceive.  As  the  recruiting  stations  were 
generally  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  scenes 
of  action,  and  as  at  least  a  number  of  men  must  be 
collected  at  a  depot  before  they  could  be  sent  off,  the 
term  of  enlistment  of  these  men  was  nearly,  if  not 
quite,  expired,  by  the  time  they  reached  the  army. 

"  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  it  became  ne 
cessary  to  furnish  arms  to  the  militia  of  this  section 
of  Pennsylvania.  The  Governor  accordingly  sent  us 
a  number  of  boxes  filled  with  muskets,  and  their  usual 
accompaniments  from  the  State  Arsenal.  I  was  pre 
sent  at  the  unpacking  of  these  guns,  and  never,  I 
believe,  in  modern  days,  has  such  a  collection  been 
seen.  In  some,  the  touch-hole  was  so  covered  by  the 
lock  as  to  have  no  communication  with  the  pan.  In 
others,  the  touch-hole  was  half  an  inch  above  the  pan 
when  shut,  and  some  had  no  touch-hole  at  all.  Many 
of  the  barrels  were  splintered,  or  had  other  internal 
defects.  In  one  word,  the  whole  were  useless  until 
armourers  were  set  at  work  on  them,  when  a  portion 
of  them  were  rendered  fit  for  service. 

"  The  militia  of  this  section  of  Pennsylvania  were 
repeatedly  called  out  to  march  to  Erie,  though  the 
object  of  the  call  was  not  always  obvious,  unless  it 
were  to  let  the  officers  earn  some  money  ;  for  patriot- 


APPENDIX.  475 

ism  then,  as  now,  had  a  special  care  of  number  one. 
There  never  was  a  shot  fired  there.  On  some  of 
those  occasions  the  troops,  on  their  arrival  at  Erie, 
were  destitute  of  ammunition  ;  and  on  one  occasion 
there  were  no  flints.  An  Aid-de-Camp  of  the  Major- 
General  was  sent  off  on  horseback  to  liarrisburg  to 
communicate  this  want  to  the  Governor.  The  Gov 
ernor  went  round  among  the  stores  in  the  town,  arid 
purchased  what  flints  were  to  be  had,  putting  them 
in  his  pocket  as  he  purchased  them.  The  Aid-de- 
Camp  brought  them  in  his  saddle-bags  to  Erie.  A 
supply  might,  in  the  same  manner,  have  been  obtained 
nearer  Erie  in  one-third  the  time,  and  at  half  the  ex 
pense. 

"In  1812,  a  brigade  of  Pennsylvania  militia,  of 
about  2000  men,  partly  drafted  men,  but  mostly  vol 
unteer  companies,  were  assembled  at  Meadville,  des 
tined  to  reinforce  General  Smyth's  army  at  Buffalo. 
I  have  seldom  seen  a  finer  collection  of  men,  but  they 
were  rendered  totally  useless  for  want  of  proper  offi 
cers.  The  troops  elected  here  their  own  superior 
officers.  The  Colonels,  with  one  exception,  were 
totally  inefficient,  and  the  General,  though  I  believe 
physically  brave,  was  morally  a  coward,  and  dared 
not  either  to  introduce  proper  discipline,  or  to  enforce 
the  few  orders  he  issued.  Hence  that  which  might 
have  been  a  fine,  useful  body  of  troops,  was  nothing 
but  an  armed  mob.  They  remained  lying  here  in 
camp  for  a  couple  of  months,  doing  nothing.  They 
were  then  marched  to  Buffalo,  where  they  were  left 
in  the  same  state  of  inaction,  until  sickness  broke  out 


476  APPENDIX. 

among  them,  when  some  deserted,  and  the  rest  were 
dismissed,  without  any  of  them  having  seen  an  ene 
my.  Smyth  had  abundant  means  of  invading  Can 
ada  (the  object  for  which  he  was  at  Buffalo),  but  I 
believe  he  was  deficient  in  personal  courage.  He  was 
a  mere  braggadocio.  He  kept  constantly  proclaiming 
that  he  would  cross  the  Niagara  river  forthwith.  Two 
or  three  times  the  troops  for  the  invasion  were  actu 
ally  embarked,  but  were  countermanded  after  remain 
ing  some  hours  in  the  boats.  Once  he  appeared  to 
have  brought  his  courage  to  the  right  pitch.  The 
troops  were  embarked  in  the  evening.  A  party  of 
sailors  was  sent  over  to  storm  the  English  battery. 
This  was  gallantly  accomplished,  though  with  some 
loss.  Instead  of  crossing  immediately,  Smyth  re 
mained  on  the  American  side  till  morning.  This 
gave  time  to  the  English  to  receive  reinforcements 
from  below.  The  few  men  who  had  crossed  were 
overpowered,  and  Smyth  disembarked  his  troops. 
He  was  one  of  Uncle  Sam's  hard  bargains. 

"  If  the  military  operations  were  badly  managed, 
the  fiscal  affairs  of  the  country  were  not  managed 
better.  Our  fiscal  system  is  defective,  in  that  all  our 
revenue  is  derived  from  import  duties.  The  conse 
quence  is,  that  when  at  war  with  one  of  the  large 
maritime  powers  of  Europe,  our  revenue  is  diminished, 
because  our  importations  are  interrupted ;  and  besides, 
this  system  does  not  admit  of  being  extended  so  as 
to  yield  an  increased  revenue  when  wanted.  It  would 
be  much  better,  both  for  the  country  and  the  revenue, 
to  prohibit  altogether  the  importation  of  all  such  ar- 


APPENDIX, 


477 


tides  as  we  can  manufacture  ourselves  in  sufficient 
quantity  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  country,  and  then 
to  lay  a  tax  on  the  home  manufactures.  Such  a  sys 
tem  of  revenue  would  be  unaffected  by  war,  and  ad 
mit  of  the  necessary  expansion  when  an  increase  of 
revenue  was  required.  This  per  parenthese. 

"  When  war  was  contemplated,  Mr.  Gallatiny 
then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  endeavoured  to  cool 
down  the  war  party  in  Congress,  by  representing 
that  war  would  render  it  necessary  to  resort  again  to 
a  stamp  act  and  tax  on  whisky,  taxes  which,  on  ac 
count  of  former  associations,  were  peculiarly  unpopu 
lar.  But  the  war  spirits  were  not  thus  to  be  deterred. 
They  declared  that  the  money  to  carry  on  the  war 
was  to  be  raised,  not  by  taxing  but  by  borrowing ; 
and  Gallatin,  who  did  not  wish  to  risk  his  reputation 
as  a  financier  on  such  a  philosophical  experiment, 
soon  withdrew  from  the  concern,  and  procured  for 
himself  a  mission  to  France. 

"  He  was  succeeded  by  G.  W.  Campbell,  an 
honest,  well-meaning  man,  I  believe,  but  destitute  of 
all  fiscal  talents.  He  tried  the  borrowing  scheme, 
forgetting  that  to  borrow  there  must  be  lenders,  and 
that  people  are  not  inclined  to  lend  to  government 
unless  the  regular  payment  of  the  interest  be  secured 
by  a  permanent  revenue.  The  result  of  this  experi 
ment  was  a  rapid  declination  of  the  credit  of  the 
United  States.  I  do  not  now  recollect  what  was  the 
precise  price  of  stocks  in  each  particular  year  of  the 
war,  but  I  know  it  kept  constantly  decreasing.  In 
1811  United  States  stock  was  at  103^  per  cent.  In 


478  *  APPENDIX. 

1813,  1  took  part  in  a  loan  at  88|  per  cent.  Stocks 
afterwards  fell  considerably  lower,  but  1  do  not  now 
recollect  the  worst  terms  on  which  money  was  bor 
rowed,  but  I  think  it  was  78  a  80  per  cent.  A  single 
fiscal  blunder  will  show  Mr.  Campbell's  utter  incapa 
city.  He  made  a  contract  with  Mr.  Jacob  Barker 
for  a  loan  of  several  millions  of  dollars,  I  think  at 
85  per  cent,  but  with  a  proviso,  that  if  the  Secretary, 
the  next  time  he  borrowed,  had  to  give  more  advan 
tageous  terms  to  the  lender,  Barker  was  to  have  the 
same  terms  for  his  loan.  Barker's  loan  was,  of 
course,  divided  among  the  chief  money  lenders  of 
that  day,  and  when  the  Secretary  was  obliged  to  go 
next  into  the  market  for  a  new  loan,  these  moneyed 
men  had  a  direct  interest  to  prevent  his  getting  it, 
except  on  the  most  usurious  terms.  It  has  lately 
been  stated  in  Congress,  by  Mr.  Calhoun  and  others, 
that  the  United  States  borrowed  money  at,  at  least, 
30  per  cent,  discount.  The  fact  is  literally  true, 
though  as  nominally  the  United  States  did  riot  issue 
$100  scrip  for  $70  in  money,  it  may  require  some 
explanation.  During  the  war,  the  southern  and  mid 
land  Atlantic  ports  were  blockaded.  The  New  Eng 
land  ports  became  thus  the  main  ports  of  importation, 
and  the  foreign  commerce  of  the  country  was  through 
these  ports.  As  our  exports  were  greatly  diminished, 
the  goods  imported  had  to  be  paid  for  in  cash.  This 
drained  gradually,  first  the  more  distant  parts,  and 
afterwards  those  nearer  to  New  England,  of  specie, 
and  the  consequence  was  a  stoppage  of  all  the  Banks 
south  and  west  ot  New- York.  This  suspension  of 


APPENDIX.  479 

specie  payments  naturally  caused  a  depreciation  of 
their  paper,  and  that  depreciation  was  greater  or  less 
in  proportion  to  the  distance  at  which  such  Bank  was 
situated  from  New  England.  Now  it  was  in  the  de 
preciated  paper  of  such  suspended  Banks  that  the 
United  States  loans  were  paid. 

"  During  the  progress  of  the  war  (I  think  chiefly 
after  Campbell  had  left  the  Treasury),  some  direct 
and  indirect  taxes  were  imposed,  but  this  return  to 
common  sense  came  too  late,  and  was  too  inefficient 
to  restore  the  fast  sinking  credit  of  the  United  States. 
In  the  latter  part  of  1814,  we  presented  to  the  world 
the  spectacle  of  a  nation,  whose  resources  were 
nearly  untouched,  and  which  was  yet  on  the  verge  of 
bankruptcy,  merely  because  its  rulers  had  not  had 
either  the  skill,  or  the  moral  courage,  to  call  these  re- 

7  o     ' 

sources  into  action.     If  the  war  had  continued  six 
months  longer,  the  Government  would  probably  have 
been  in  an  open,  declared  state  of  bankruptcy. 
"  Believe  me  ever  most  truly,  your  friend." 


NOTE  17. 

Letter  from    William  Sullivan,   Esq.,  to   a  Daughter  of 
General  Hull. 

"BOSTON,  July  27,  1835. 

"  DEAR  MADAM, — I  did  not  receive  your  letter  of 
27th  April  until  last  evening.  I  well  remember  your 
father,  as  a  visiter  of  my  father,  when  I  was  a  youth, 
more  than  forty  years  ago.  1  always  considered  him 
to  be  a  personal  and  political  friend  of  my  father,  and 


480  APPENDIX. 

as  belonging  to  the  Democratic  or  Republican  party 
of  the  times  which  followed  the  adoption  of  the  Na 
tional  Constitution.  You  know  that,  from  1789  to 
the  end  of  the  late  war,  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  were  divided  into  two  great  parties — and  all 
persons  who  were  of  importance  enough  to  belong  to 
any  party,  belonged  to  one  or  the  other  of  them. 

"  There  were  shades  of  difference  among  the 
members  of  these  two  parties,  but  not  so  distinct  as 
to  enable  me  to  distinguish  among  individuals  of  that 
party,  to  which  I  did  not  belong  myself. 

"  If  I  were  asked  whether  General  Hull  belonged 
to  the  Jeffersonian  or  Republican  party,  I  should 
answer,  that  1  think  he  did.  If  I  were  asked  whether 
he  approved  of  National  Policy  in  Mr.  Jefferson's 
time,  in  all  respects,  I  should  answer,  that  I  had  no 
opportunity  of  knowing  that  he  disapproved  of  any 
of  it.  If  I  were  asked  whether  he  disapproved  of 
National  Policy  in  Mr.  Adams'  time,  I  should  say,  I 
think  he  did,  because  that  disapprobation  was  com 
mon  to  his  party.  What  his  peculiar  views  and  opin 
ions  were  in  the  time  of  Washington  (1789-1797),  I 
know  not.  In  all  these  times  there  was  little  room 
for  compromising  as  to  opinions. 

"  The  tyranny  of  party  was  as  powerful  then  as 
it  has  been  at  any  time  since.  Partisans  on  both 
sides  were  in  full  communion,  and  the  neutral  or  the 
wavering  were  of  no  account.  I  think,  therefore,  that 
your  father  would  be  ranked  among  the  distinguished 
men  in  Massachusetts,  who  were  of  the  Democratic 
party,  and  thought  and  acted  as  they  did  :  and  what 


APPENDIX.  481 

they  thought,  and  how  they  acted,  is  now  matter  of 
history.  The  precise  line  pursued  by  your  father  I 
cannot  designate.  I  began  to  be  in  the  Legislature 
in  1804.  I  do  not  remember  to  have  met  your  father 
there.  I  saw  him  only  when  he  came  into  Boston, 
and  called  to  see  my  father  in  a  friendly  way,  or  on 
business.  I  have  no  remembrance  of  any  conversa 
tion  on  these  occasions,  which  would  indicate  any  dif 
ference  between  your  father's  sentiments  and  those 
generally  entertained  by  his  party.  I  always  enter 
tained  a  high  respect  for  your  father,  as  he  was  al 
ways,  in  my  view,  a  courteous  and  honourable  gen 
tleman.  I  regarded  his  trial  and  condemnation  as  a 
State  affair — and  was  gratified  in  any  opportunity  of 
showing  a  personal  respect  for  him. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect  and 
esteem,  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  WILLIAM  SULLIVAN." 

"  To  Mrs.  MARIA  CAMPBELL." 


NOTE  18. 

Copy  of  a  Letter  from  S.  Hale,  Esq.  to  Mrs.  N.  B.  Hick- 
man,  a  daughter  of  General  Hull. 

"KEENE,  New  Hampshire,  Sept.  27,  1847. 

"  MADAM, — 1  thank  you  for  the  '  Memoirs  of  -the 
Northwestern  Army,"*  under  General  Hull,  which 

*  The  "  Memoirs  of  the  North-  of   public  opinion  throughout  the 

western  Army,"  above  referred  to,  United  States  in  favour  of  General 

were  published  by  General  Hull  in  Hull. 
1 825,  and  produced  a  great  change 

31 


482  APPENDIX. 

you  were  so  good  as  to  send  me.  That  public  senti 
ment  has  been  unjust  to  him,  I  do  not  doubt,  and 
have  never  doubted ;  and  now,  after  having  had  my 
attention  again  fixed  on  the  subject,  and  called  to 
mind  all  I  have  read  and  heard,  I  am  convinced  that 
to  others  rather  than  to  him,  should  the  disasters  of 
that  campaign  be  attributed.  I  have  no  doubt  of  his 
patriotism,  nor  of  his  personal  courage. 

"  I  am  now  convinced  that  the  Administration  of 
that  day  did  not  contemplate  the  conquest  of  Canada. 

"  It  is  sad,  my  dear  madam,  to  reflect  how  care 
lessly  and  unjustly  praise  and  censure  are  often  dis 
pensed  in  this  world. 

"  Very  respectfully,  yours, 

(Signed)  S.  HALE." 

"  MRS.  N.  B.  HICKMAN. 


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E353.1 
Campbell,  M.H.  H9 

Revolutionary  services   C18 
and  civil  life  of 
General  William  Hull. 


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